7-  /2-.// 


^  PRINCETON,  N.  J.  *jg 


Presented    by         OVkS    C\M'V\nor'. 


Division  ■■■■■■ ■■ 


Section 


.a±.'. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary  Library 


http://www.archive.org/details/themesfromstjohnOOIamb 


Plate  I.     From   Wilpert's  Fractio  Panis. 


Themes  From  St.  John's  Gospel  in 
Early  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 


A    THESIS 


Presented   to  the    Faculty   of   Princeton    University 


FOR    the    degree    OF 


Doctor  of  Philosophy 


BY 

CLARK  D.  LAMBERTON 


Sometime  Fellow  in  Christian  Archaeology  in  the  American  School  of  Classical 

Studies  in  Rome 


PUBLISHED  BY 
PRINCETON    UNIVERSITY   PRESS 


CONTENTS. 

Preface    v 

List  of  Illustrations vii 

Abbreviations    viii 

PART  I. 

Introduction     1-5 

I.    Archaeological  Evidence  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel..        6-62 

The    Evidence     9-58 

The  Date  of  the  Greek  Chapel 11-54 

II.     The  Early  Influence  of  the  Gospel 63-75 

The     Purpose     and     Nature     of     Catacomb 

Painting     65-70 

The  Characteristic  of  St.  John's  Gospel,  and 

Its  Value  for  Symbolism 70-75 

III.  St.  John's  Gospel  the  Key  to  Eucharistic  Symbolism      76-97 

IV.  St.   John's    Gospel   the    Leading    Factor   in    Catacomb 

Symbolism  98-102 

PART  II. 
The  Joh annine   Cycle 103 

I.     Themes   Absolutely  Johannine 105-124 

1.  The    Raising    of    Lazarus 105-108 

2.  The  Woman  of  Samaria 108-117 

3.  The    Miracle    of    the    Wline    at    Cana    of 

Galilee    117-124 

II.    Themes  Archaeologically  Johannine 125-138 

1.  The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic 125-133 

2.  The  Lamb  of  God 133-138 

3.  The   "Breakfast"   by  the    Sea   of  Galilee  138 

III.     Themes    Charicteristically    Johannine 139-146 

1.  The  Eucharist 139-140 

2.  Baptism   140 

3.  The  Vine 140-141 

4.  The  Good  Shepherd 141-144 

5.  The    Living    Water 144-145 

6.  Orpheus  145 

7.  The   Incarnation 145-146 


/^± 

'^-. 
'^\^ 

««s 

& 

1 

^ 

m 

Plate  II.     From    Wii.pert's    Malereten. 


PREFACE 

One  of  the  results  of  the  discovery  during  the  past  fifty  years 
of  such  an  immense  quantity  of  archaeological  material  from 
the  earliest  Christian  centuries  has  been  the  presentation  of  a 
number  of  monographs  on  particular  subjects.  Among  the  more 
recent  of  these  may  be  mentioned  Dr.  Erich  Becker's  Moscsdar- 
stcllnngen  and  Professor  Morey's  Origin  of  the  Fish  Symbol,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  series  by  Wilpert  on  the  Consecrated  Virgins, 
styles  of  clothing,  etc.  It  has  seemed  to  the  present  writer  that 
it  might  be  useful  to  investigate  in  some  such  specific  way  the 
place  and  influence  of  St.  John's  Gospel  in  the  Early  Roman 
Church  as  illustrated  only  in  the  field  of  Painting.  For  one 
thing,  it  has  been  tempting  to  apply  the  finds  of  Archaeoloy  to 
a  subject  treated  heretofore  only  by  the  methods  of  Literary 
Criticism,  with  what  results  the  reader  alone  must  judge. 

The  author  has  pleasure  in  acknowledging  the  kind  permission 
granted  him  by  Herr  B.  Herder,  the  German  publisher  of  Wil- 
pert's  writings,  to  reproduce  the  illustrations  found  on  Plates 
I  to  IX  from  the  works  of  that  author  as  specified  in  the  List 
of  Illustrations  and  elsewhere.  Most  of  these  are  from  the 
Malereien  der  Katakombcn  Rams,  which  is  certainly  the  most 
valuable  publication  in  the  subject  of  Christian  Archaeology 
since  De  Rossi's  day.  The  reproductions  given  in  this  book  are 
greatly  reduced  in  size.  Furthermore,  they  are  not  in  color. 
All  that  is  attempted  is  to  give  an  accurate  idea  of  the  form  and 
composition  of  the  several  paintings.  For  detailed  study  the 
reader  is  referred  to  the  volume  of  plates  in  Wilpert's  Malereien, 
or  better  yet,  to  the  originals  themselves.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  paintings  will  be  referred  to  constantly  in  the  Malereien, 
(Mai.),  and  at  the  same  time  quotations  will  be  made  from 
the  Italian  text,  Le  Pitture  dcllc  Catacombe  Romane.  The 
reason  for  this  is  that  permission  for  reproduction  was  accorded 
by  the  German  publisher,  whereas  the  author  had  only  the  Italian 
text  at  hand  while  verifying  references.  The  apparent  incon- 
gruity will  be  overcome  when  one  remembers  that  the  numbers 


vi  Preface 

of  the  plates  are  the  same  in  the  Pitture  and  Malereien,  though 
obviously  this  is  not  the  case  in  the  texts. 

The  author  is  under  many  obligations  in  the  presentation  of 
this  book,  particularly  to  Professors  Allan  Marquand  and  C.  R. 
Morey  of  Princeton  University  for  reading  and  criticising  the 
text,  and  especially  to  the  latter  for  his  many  valuable  sugges- 
tions and  kind  advice.  Acknowledgment  is  made  here  also  of 
the  courtesy  of  the  authorities  in  control  of  the  Roman  Catacombs 
in  granting  permission  to  enter  and  study  under  advantageous 
circumstances.  Especially  is  it  a  pleasure  to  recall  the  cordial 
hospitality  of  Professor  O.  Marucchi.  It  is  indeed  a  privilege 
to  be  permitted  to  share  his  generous  enthusiasm  in  visiting  the 
celebrated  localities  of  the  primitive  Christian  Rome. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Plate. 

la.  a  IIP,  Greek  Chapel.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus.  From  Wilpert, 
Fmctio  Panis,  PI.  XI. 
b.  a  HP,  Greek  Chapel.  The  Breaking  of  Bread.  From  Wilpert, 
Die  Malereien  der  Katako>ubeii  Roins  (Le  Pitture  delle  Cat- 
acoinbe  Romane),  PI.  15,  i.  Cf.  also  Fractio  Panis,  PL 
XIII-XIV. 
II  a.-  i/2lIPraet,  "Passion  Crypt."  "Behold  the  Lamb  of  God!"  Pho- 
tograph of  copy  in  Lateran  Museum.    Cf.  Mai.,  PI.  18. 

b.  w  lie,  Sacrament  Chapel  A6.     Scene  of  Feasting.     From  Mai., 

PI.  15,  2. 

c.  2/2 lie,  Sacr.  Cap.  A2.     Moses  striking  the  Rock,  a  Fisherman, 

the    "Break-fast"    of    the    Seven    by    the    Sea    of    Tiberias. 
From   Mai,  PI.  27,  2. 

III  (/.     i/2lIPraet,    "Passion    Cry."      The    Raising     of     Lazarus,    The 

Samaritan  Woman,      h'rom   Mai.,    PI.    19. 

b.     2/2IIC,    Sacr.  Cap.    A3.      Fisherman,    Baptism,    The    Restored 

Paralytic.  From  Mai.   PI.  27,  3. 

IV  a.     2/2IIC,    Sacr.  Cap.    A3.      Christ    and    the    Woman    of    Samaria. 

From  MaL.  PI.  29,  2. 
b.     ijj  IVP&M,   Cry.   of   Wine    Miracle.     The   Miracle   of   Wine    at 
Cana  of   Galilee,   Noah  in   the   Ark,   Miracle   of  the   Multi- 
plication  of   Loaves. 
2/2IVP&M,    Cu.    XIII.      Moses    at    the    Rock,    Noah,    Fall    of 
Adam  and   Eve.     From  MaL,   PI.    186,   i,  2. 
V  a.     2/2IIC,    Sacr.    Cap.    A2.     Vault.      The    Good    Shepherd,    Tripod 
with  Fish  and  Baskets  of  Loaves,  Jonah,   Peacocks,  Orna- 
mental Heads,  etc.     From  MaL,  PI.  38. 
b.     1/2IIID,    Cu.    III.      Christ    and    the    Woman    of    Samaria    (re- 
stored),   Miracle    of    the    Multiplication    of    Loaves.      From 
MaL,   PI.   54,  2. 
VI  a.    2/2IIC,  Sacr.  Cap.  A3.     Fish  on  Tripod.     From  MaL,  PI.  41,  i. 

b.  2/2IIC,    Sacr.    Cap.    A3.      Sacrifice    of    Abraham.      From    MaL, 

PI.  41,  2. 

c.  2/2IIC,    Sacr.    Cap.    .\2>.      Scene   of    Feasting.      From    MaL,    PI. 

41,  3- 

d.  tit  lie,    Sacr.    Cap.    A5.      Scene    of    Feasting.      From    MaL,    PI. 

41,  4. 
VII  a.     1/2IIL,   Cry.   of   Lucina.     P'ish   with   Basket   of   Loaves.     From 
MaL.  PI.  28,  2. 
b.     1/2IIIP&M,    Double    Cu.      The    Miracle    of    Wine    at    Cana    of 
Galilee,   Baptism.   Orant,   Moses   at   the    Rock.     From   Mat., 
PI.  57.' 


viii  Preface 

VllI  a.     1/2IIL,   Cry.   of   Lucina.     Fish   with   Basket  of   Loaves.     From 
Mai,  PI.  28,  I. 

b.  \p  IVvM',    Loc.    of    Epiphany.      Moses    at    the    Rock,    Multiph- 

cation  of  Loaves,  Adoration  of  the  Wise  Men,  Grants, 
Noah,  Raising  of  Lazarus,  Daniel  between  the  Lions,  Tobias 
with  his  Fish  in  the  presence  of  Raphael,  The  Restored 
Paralytic,  Personification  of  the  Tigris.  From  Mai.,  PI. 
212. 

c.  2/2IIC,  Sacr.  Cap.  A2.     The  Raising  of  Lazarus,  Dove,  Dolphin 

and  Trident.     From  Mai.,  PI.  39,   i. 
IX  a.     a  lllPraet,    High    Cu.    delta   spelunca    magna.     Good    Shepherd 
Protecting  Flock.     From  Mai.,  PI.  51,  i. 
b.     2/2IIIC,    Arco.     over     Eusebius     Cry.      The     Good     Shepherd. 
From  Mai,   PI.   51,   2. 
X         \p     IVD,  Cu.  IL     Vault.     Judgment  of  Deceased,  Multiplication 
of  Loaves,  Moses  at  the  Rock,   Noah,  The  Three   Hebrew 
Children   in   the   Furnace,   Sacrifice   of    Abraham,    Peacocks 
on    Candelabra.      Photograph    from    copy    by    Avanzini    in 
Bosio,  Roma  Sotterranea.     Cf.   Mai,   PI.    196. 
XI         2/2IVD,  Cu.   IV.     Orpheus,   Prophecy  of   Micah,   Moses  at  the 
Rock.     Photograph  from  copy  by  Avanzini  in  Bosio,  R.  S. 
Cf.    Mai,    PI.    229. 
XII  i/rlVD,   Cu.    II.     Grant,   Adam   and    Eve,   The   Restored    Para- 

lytic. Photograph  from  copy  by  Avanzini  in  Bosio,  R.  S. 
Cf.  Mai,  PI.   197,  2. 


ABBREVIATIGNS. 

1/2  indicates  first  half  of  century  referred  to,  I,  II,  III,  IV,  etc. 
2/2  indicates  second  half  of  century  referred  to,  I,  II,  III,  IV,  etc. 

a  indicates  beginning  of  century  referred  to,  I.  11,  III,  IV,  etc. 

\P  indicates  middle  of  century  referred  to,  I,  II,  III,  IV,  etc. 

w  indicates  end  of  century  referred  to,  I,  II,  III,  IV,  etc. 
cu  indicates    cubiculum ;    cry,    crypt ;    cap,    chapel ;    has,    basilica ;    arco, 
arcosolium ;  loc,  loculus ;   Mai.,  Wilpert's  Malcreicn. 

D Domitilla.  M&M . .  .  Marcus  and  Marcelianus. 

N Nunziatella.  S Sebastian. 

Praet Preatextatus.  L Lucina  (in  Callixtus). 

C Callixtus.  P&AI Peter  and  Marcellinus. 

Cyr Cyriaca.  F Felicitas. 

T Thraso.  vM Vigna  Massimo. 

P Priscilla.  H     Hermes. 

V Valentine.  Pont Pontian. 

G Generosa.  Thee Thecla. 

Sotere Sotere.  Mains Mains. 


^^^" 

^^j0fEgr 

Plate  III.     Fkum  Wilpkkt's  ]\Iali£reien. 


PART   I. 

Saint  John's  Gospel,  owing  to  its  marked  difference  from  the 
Synoptics,  offers  an  especially  attractive  theme  for  investiga- 
tion regarding  its  influence  in  the  early  Church  as  revealed  by 
Archaeology.  It  contains  incidents  and  discourses  of  Jesus 
not  mentioned  in  the  Synoptics.  On  the  other  hand,  it  omits 
many  events  and  sayings  which  are  reported  by  one  or  more  of 
the  other  three.  But,  while  St.  John  does  not  report  so  many 
incidents  in  the  life  of  Christ  as  do  the  other  Evangelists,  he 
makes  each  one  prominent,  and  gives  the  impression  that  it  is 
selected  from  a  great  number  because  of  the  particular  truth 
which  it  is  designed  to  emphasize.  To  appreciate  this,  one  has 
only  to  recall  the  incidents  of  the  visit  of  Nicodemus,  the  conver- 
sation with  the  woman  of  Samaria,  the  discourse  on  the  Bread 
of  Life  following  the  feeding  of  the  five  thousand,  the  healing 
of  the  man  born  blind,  the  discourse  on  the  Good  Shepherd,  the 
resurrection  of  Lazarus,  the  long  discourses  before  the  passion, 
etc. 

Such  themes,  distinguishing  the  Johannine  Gospel,  afford  marks 
for  identification  of  its  influence  wherever  they  are  found  in  the 
catacombs.  By  considering  them  together  it  is  possible  to  esti- 
mate the  influence  of  the  Gospel  in  the  early  centuries.  It  is 
easier  to  do  this  for  St.  John's  Gospel  than  for  any  one  of  the 
Synoptics  from  the  very  fact  that  in  the  parts  selected  by  the 
early  Christians  for  symbolic  or  realistic  treatment  the  Synoptics 
present  but  slight  variations  one  from  another,^  and  so  are  much 
better  studied  together,  whereas  the  Johannine  Gospel  stands 
alone,  and  permits  of  separate  study  with  great  profit.  That  the 
Gospel  had  an  important  part  in  the  thought  of  the  Church  will 
be  evident  when  the  cycle  of  themes  owning  it  as  a  source  is 
discussed. 


^  One  of  the  most  prominent  of  these  is  in  the  cycle  of  the  Christ 
Child.  St.  Matthew  alone  tells  of  the  visit  of  the  Wise  Men,  hence  his 
Gospel  is  naturally  to  be  regarded  as  the  exclusive  source  for  the  initial 
treatment  of  this  theme  in  early  Christian  Art.  The  influence  of  the 
Apocryphal  Gospels  becomes  apparent  in  the  fourth  century. 


2  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

It  is  true  that  this  great  influence  was  due  to  the  marked 
characteristic  of  the  Gospel,  and  its  pecuHar  adaptability  to  sym- 
bolism. The  second  and  third  century  Church  seemed  to  think 
largely  in  symbols,  judging  from  the  literature  which  has  come 
down  to  us.  Allegory  was  carried  to  the  extreme  of  absurdity 
in  the  fantastic  interpretations  of  Scripture  as  found  in  the  pages 
of  many  of  the  most  eminent,  and  withal  pious  and  sensible, 
of  the  ante-Nicene  Fathers.  For  this  they  were  not  entirely 
responsible.  They  followed  the  custom  of  their  age,  and  cer- 
tainly their  practices  are  conservative  when  compared  with  the 
lengths  pursued  by  their  Gnostic  opponents. 

Legitimate  symbolism,  however,  of  deep  truths  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion  is  all  that  is  found  in  the  Art  of  the  early  Church. 
For  this  purpose  St.  John's  Gospel  was  especially  qualified. 
Hence  its  prominence  in  the  very  beginning  of  this  Art.  It  seems 
to  be  a  useful  thing,  then,  to  study  the  Gospel  in  this  connection, 
remarking  its  characteristic  and  noting  how  this  characteristic 
was  observed  in  the  treatment  of  its  cycle  of  themes. 

It  is  also  tempting  to  investigate  the  early  history  of  St.  John's 
Gospel  from  the  archaeological  standpoint  because  of  the  prac- 
tical bearing  of  the  results  obtained  on  problems  of  criticism. 
While  just  at  present  criticism  is  inclined  to  be  relatively  conserv- 
ative on  the  question  of  the  date  of  the  Gospel,  not  many  years 
ago  eminent  writers  asserted  with  all  confidence  that  its  com- 
position must  be  placed  towards  the  end  of  the  second  century. 
Archaeology  helps  this  much,  at  least,  that  it  forbids  serious 
return  to  such  a  theory.  On  the  other  hand,  it  lends  valuable  as- 
sistance to  those  who  claim  for  the  Gospel  a  date  not  later  than 
the  early  years  of  the  second  century,  or  the  decline  of  the 
first,  even  the  days  of  the  Apostle  himself. 


When  Early  Roman  Catacomb  Painting  is  examined  with  a 
view  to  isolating  those  themes  which  are  derived  from  St.  John's 
Gospel,  and  these  in  turn  are  investigated  with  reference  to  their 


The  Gospel  in  Archaeological  Remains  3 

symbolic  content,  certain  important  results  are  obtained.     It  ap- 
pears ; 

(i)  That  the  Gospel  was  in  use  in  Rome  at  a  very  early  date. 
By  this  is  meant  the  declining  years  of  the  first  century,  or 
the  first  decade  in  the  second. 

(2)  That  it  exerted  very  great  influence  on  the  popular  mind 

of  the  Roman  Church,  and  at  a  very  early  date.  By  this  is 
meant  during  the  first  half  of  the  second  century. 

(3)  That  in  it  is  to  be  found  the  key  to  the  understanding  of 

various  themes  in  early  Catacomb  Art,  which  up  to  this 
time  have  received  but  a  hazy  interpretation.  Prominent 
among  these  are  the  Fish,  and  scenes  of  eating  in  which 
bread  and  fish  are  served.  Their  symbolism  is  seen  to  be 
eucharistic  when  studied  by  St.  John's  Gospel.  Accordingly, 
it  was  probably  the  source  for  eucharistic  thought  and 
expression,  certainly  for  eucharistic  symbolism. 

(4)  Further  than  this,  it  may  be  regarded  as  the  leading  factor 

in  molding  the  entire  cycle  of  Catacomb  symbolism. 

The  paintings  in  the  Roman  catacombs  executed  in  the  second 
century  reveal  to  us  a  state  of  affairs  in  thought  and  practice 
which  no  one  ever  suspected  from  the  literature  of  the  period. 
The  reason  for  this,  of  course,  is  that  the  second  century  litera- 
ture is  so  scanty,  particularly  of  the  Roman  circle,  that  it  would 
be  very  unreasonable  to  expect  to  find  in  it  a  complete  portrayal 
of  the  state  of  the  Church.  Further,  the  literature,  as  one  would 
anticipate,  is  devoted  largely  to  the  conflict  of  Christianity  with 
paganism,  or  with  heresy,  or  to  exposition  of  the  Scriptures,  or 
to  discussion  of  Church  policy  and  government,  or  to  exhortations 
to  faith  and  good  works.  In  such  a  specific  kind  of  writing 
as  we  have  from  the  pen  of  Clement  of  Rome,  Ignatius  of  Antioch, 
Justin  Martyr  and  Irenaeus,  as  well  as  in  various  fragments,  we 
would  hardly  expect  many  hints  as  to  the  things  that  interest 
us  particularly;  viz.,  the  ordinary  practices  of  daily  life,  what  the 
people  thought,  and  how  they  acted. ^ 

*The  celebrated  letter  of  Pliny  the  Younger  to  the  Emperor  Trajan 
is  one  of  the  most  valuable.  Also  certain  statements  in  Justin  M.  Cf. 
Apol.  65,  66,  67. 


4  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Accordingly  it  was  with  a  mild  degree  of  surprise  that  investi- 
gators during  the  second  half  of  the  last  century,  excavating  in 
the  catacombs  of  Rome,  discovered  that  Daniel  with  his  lions, 
Noah  in  his  ark,  and  Jonah  with  the  sea-monster  enjoyed  a  prom- 
inence in  popular  thought  entirely  denied  them  by  contemporary 
literature.  Not  to  be  wondered  at,  however,  was  the  discovery 
that  the  Good  Shepherd  was  the  most  popular  of  all  the  themes 
selected  for  catacomb  decoration.  But  the  finding  in  various 
catacombs  of  pictures  representing  a  group  of  persons  reclining  at 
table  and  partaking  of  a  meal,  the  viands  of  which  consisted  of 
bread  and  fish  and  wine,  and  nothing  more,  aroused  to  a  high  pitch 
the  interest  of  all  who  learned  of  them.  When,  in  addition  to  the 
food,  it  was  observed  that  certain  features  of  these  paintings 
were  invariable,  such  as  the  number  of  those  feasting  which  was 
seven,  and  the  fact  that  baskets  of  loaves  were  painted  beside 
the  table,  it  was  impossible  to  escape  the  inference  that  they 
formed  a  cycle  of  distinct  significance.  The  early  date  of  a  com- 
plete series  of  these  paintings  accentuated  their  importance.  They 
are  rightly  set  down  as  being  of  eucharistic  import,  but  thus  far 
no  person  has  explained  satisfactorily  just  why  such  and  such 
features  in  the  pictures  appear  to  the  exclusion  of  an  imaginary 
list  of  others  which  might  have  been  just  as  much  to  the  point.' 

When,  however,  bearing  in  mind  these  distinctive  features  of 

'  Thus,  Mgr.  Dr.  Wilpert,  the  eminent  discoverer  of  the  leading  one 
in  the  series,  the  Fractio  Panis  in  the  Greek  Chapel  in  the  catacomb  of 
Priscilla,  finds  in  it  the  first  representation  of  the  sacrament  of  the 
Communion,  a  realistic  representation  of  the  liturgical  eucharistic  feast, 
a  faithful  portrayal,  doubtless,  of  what  was  enacted  in  the  very  chapel, 
whose  apsidal  arch  the  painting  adorned.  "Es  war  mir  nunmehr  klar, 
dass  hier  die  BRODBRECHUNG  (fractio  panis,  ^  k Aacrt?  Toi)  a/arou),  also 
die  der  Communion  vorausgehende  Handlung  des  eucharisfischen  Offers 
dargestellt  ist.  Wir  haben  demnach  ein  liturgisches  Gemalde  vor  uns, 
das  in  der  gesamten  altchristlichen  Kunst  einzig  in  seiner  Art  dasteht." 
Wilpert  :  Fractio  Panis,  p.  5.  On  the  other  hand,  Matthaei,  writing 
upon  the  Death  Meal,  or  the  feast  held  in  commemoration  of  the  de- 
ceased, and  observing  the  opportunities  afforded  thereby  of  deriving 
Christian  customs  from  pagan  practices,  includes  in  his  list  of  such 
representations  the  Fractio  Panis.  Die  Totenmahldarstellungen  i.  d. 
altchr.  Kunst.  pp.  9,  44,  etc.  And  so  others,  more  or  less  according  to 
their  various  interpretations  of  Catacomb  Art. 


The  Gospel  in  Archaeological  Remains  5 

the  paintings,  we  compare  them  with  certain  passages  from  St. 
John's  Gospel,  a  reasonable  interpretation  suggests  itself.  They 
are  seen  to  possess  a  deep  meaning,  which  can  be  appreciated  only 
by  him  who  is  familiar  with  the  eucharistic  passages  in  the  Gospel. 
The  problem  of  the  Fish  thus  comes  a  Httle  nearer  to  solution. 
One  can  understand  better  how  it  came  to  symbolize  the  Eucharist, 
and  to  be  a  sign  for  Christ  Himself. 


I.  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  EVIDENCE  ON  THE  DATE 
OF  THE  GOSPEL. 

As  an  illustration  of  the  practical  assistance  furnished  by  Chris- 
tian Archaeology  to  the  historical  science,  it  is  now  proposed 
to  discuss  the  bearing  of  the  results  attained  by  subterranean 
excavation  upon  the  question  of  the  date  of  the  composition  of 
St.  John's  Gospel.  As  suggested  above,  this  can  be  done  with 
greatest  satisfaction  in  the  case  of  the  Gospel  of  the  divine  Evan- 
gelist because  of  its  unique  isolation  from  the  other  three  which 
are  more  or  less  similar  in  method  and  composition.  The  Synop- 
tics do  not  posses  so  many  individual  points  selected  for  treatment 
in  Catacomb  Painting  and  on  which  an  argument  may  be  hung. 

Besides,  there  is  hardly  the  same  reason  for  archaeological  in- 
vestigation of  other  parts  of  the  canon.  Naturally,  there  is  none 
whatever  in  the  case  of  writings  from  the  Old  Testament  from 
which  themes  are  selected.  Few  there  are  who  have  the  temerity 
to  date  even  the  book  of  Daniel  after  the  first  century  A.  D. 
So  perhaps  the  chief  value  that  pictorial  themes  from  the  Old 
Testament  possess  in  the  field  of  historical  criticism  is  the  testi- 
mony that  they  bear  as  to  the  canonical  acceptance  in  the  Church 
of  the  books  from  which  they  were  selected.  With  this  must  be 
coupled  the  evidence  of  the  acceptance  of  certain  writings  classed 
by  the  English  Bible  in  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha,  notably 
the  last  chapters  of  Daniel  containing  the  story  of  Susannah  and 
the  Elders,  and  the  Book  of  Tobit. 

In  the  case  of  the  other  Gospels  there  is  not  the  same  reason 
to  use  the  archaeological  evidence  for  their  date  that  there  is  for 
that  of  St.  John,  because  few  are  disposed  to  deny  that  they 
were  composed  before  the  dates  at  which  archaeological  evidence 
can  be  brought  to  bear  upon  them  specifically.  Even  St.  Mat- 
thew's Gospel,  alone  containing  the  story  of  the  adoration  of  the 
Wise  Men,  is  certainly  to  be  dated  before  the  painting  of  the 
scene  in  the  Greek  Chapel  in  the  early  second  century. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  7 

But  St.  John's  Gospel  was  written  among  the  last  of  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament  canon,  and  so  approaches  very  closely  in 
date  of  composition  to  the  days  when  Catacomb  Painting  began, 
whatever  the  dates  may  be  that  we  give  to  either.  Indeed,  the 
catacomb  of  Domitilla  may  have  been  presented  to  the  Church 
by  the  niece  of  the  Emperor  Domitian  before  the  words  of  the 
Gospel  were  written.  We  are  thus  conducted  by  Archaeology  to 
a  time  when  the  dividing  line  from  apostolic  days  is  decidedly 
indefinite.  We  are  taken  back  to  the  beginnings  of  things,  to  the 
days  when  the  Church,  being  left  without  apostolic  control,  had 
to  do  creative  work.  So  in  the  times  of  uncertainty,  the  period 
of  which  we  know  least,  it  is  a  matter  of  great  satisfaction  that 
we  are  able  to  bring  the  Catacomb  Art  into  connection  with  a 
period  in  which  the  Gospel  must  have  been  written  if  composed 
by  the  Apostle  himself. 

It  is  not  to  the  purpose  to  discuss  the  numerous  theories  of 
literary  critics  on  the  question  of  the  date  of  the  Gospel.  That 
is  an  entire  treatise  in  itself,  and  many  works  have  been  pub- 
lished which  outline  the  theories  at  length.  The  Fourth  Gospel 
is  still  an  absorbing  field  for  study  and  investigation,  to  judge 
from  the  constant  stream  of  books  devoted  to  the  various 
questions  involved.  Chief  of  these  is  the  question  of  date. 
But  it  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  great  reason  for  investigating  the 
date  is  that  by  so  doing  we  may  approach  nearer  to  a  settlement 
of  the  question  of  authorship.  The  present  trend  of  criticism 
is  expressed  happily  in  this  statement  of  Professor  Bacon  (The 
Fourth  Gospel  in  Research  and  Debate,  p.  21),  "The  Modern 
Form  of  the  Johannine  Question  scarcely  concerns  itself  with 
the  question  of  date.  It  is  a  question  not  of  date,  but  of  author- 
ity and  historicity.  Therefore,  the  kind  of  external  evidence 
once  relied  upon  to  prove  the  existence  of  the  Gospel  in  the  times 
of  Polycarp,  Ignatius,  Justin,  and  Tatian,  is  almost  totally  ir- 
relevant. To-day  nobody  denies  the  kind  of  existence  this  evi- 
dence is  alone  competent  to  prove ;  while  on  the  other  hand, 
evidence  competent  to  prove  acceptance  of  the  Gospel  as  authori- 
tative and  apostolic,  or  even  as  sharing  in  the  respect  accorded  to 
the  Gospels  of  Matthew,  Mark,  and   (somewhat  later)  Luke,  is 


8  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

wanting  until  the  period  of  Tatian  and  Theophilus  of  Antioch 
(170-180  A.  D.)."  The  writer  believes  that  he  meets  exactly 
this  demand  for  competent  evidence  in  the  presentation  of  the 
archaeological  argument  for  date  in  the  following  pages.  It  will 
be  observed  that  themes  from  St.  John's  Gospel  appear  in  the 
same  series  with  themes  from  the  Synoptics,  as  well  as  from  the 
Old  Testament.  It  will  therefore  appear  that  they  share  in  the 
respect  accorded  to  the  Synoptic  Gospels  and  to  the  Old  Testa- 
ment canon.  From  this  it  will  follow  that  the  Johannine  Gospel 
was  accepted  as  authoritative  and  apostolic  in  exactly  the  same 
way  as  were  the  Synoptics  with  which  it  is  intimately  associated. 
And  all  this  is  true  for  a  date  earlier  than  that  mentioned  by 
Professor  Bacon,  that  is  for  the  first  half  of  the  second  century, 
indeed  for  the  early  part  thereof. 

Archaeology  is  indeed  unable  to  present  evidence  that  affirms 
in  so  many  words  that  St.  John  was  the  author  of  the  Gospel 
that  bears  his  name.  All  that  is  done  is  to  strengthen  the  existing 
supposition.  Wherefore  it  will  be  seen  that  the  following  dis- 
cussion of  the  archaeological  evidence  on  the  date  of  the  Gospel 
includes  the  inference  concerning  authorship,  and  it  is  in  this 
expansive  sense  that  the  word  "date"  is  used.  By  it  is  meant 
not  only  first  appearance,  but  all  of  the  things  that  depend  on 
first  appearance,  including  authorship,  apostolicity,  and  acceptance 
as  authoritative  and  canonical. 

The  present  tendency  in  literary  criticism  is  conservative.  The 
existence  of  the  Gospel  in  the  first  half  of  the  second  century, 
even  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  century,  is  commonly  admitted. 
So  the  situation  is  not  so  interesting  as  it  was  when  the  Tiibingen 
School  of  critics  attempted  to  find  the  date  of  composition  at 
about  170  A.  D.  The  archaeologist  can  only  insist  that  such  a  date 
be  never  mentioned  again.  With  this  demand  all  seem  willing 
to  join  at  present,  and  indeed,  as  far  as  to  the  year  150.  Back 
of  that,  now,  what  can  archaeology  do  in  assisting  to  solve  the 
problem  ?  What  evidence  can  be  produced  by  archaeology  bearing 
on  the  question  of  the  date  of  St.  John's  Gospel  that  goes  back 
of  the  middle  of  the  second  century  ? 

Before  entering  upon  this  discussion,  however,  the  position  of 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  g 

the  archaeologist  should  be  made  clear.  He  is  not  to  be  regarded 
as  desiring  to  force  his  way  into  the  field  of  criticism  by  con- 
ducting a  search  for  evidence  that  may  possibly  bear  on  some  im- 
portant question  involved.  His  contribution  is  rather  one  of 
inference.  His  science  has  to  do  with  the  material  remains  of 
antiquity.  But  if,  in  the  work  of  investigating  such  material  re- 
mains, in  classifying  and  interpreting  the  same,  and  in  assigning 
a  date  to  each  particle,  he  makes  the  observation  that  if  such  and 
such  material  objects  bear  the  dates  he  has  given  them,  and  that 
if  this  is  so  they  bear  testimony  to  the  existence  and  influence 
of  this  and  that  portion  of  Scripture  at  those  dates,  then  he  is 
indeed  justified  in  drawing  the  inference  that  his  archaeological 
material  constitutes  evidence  of  value  that  demands  consideration 
in  pronouncing  judgment  on  the  parts  of  the  canon  in  question. 
That  is  to  say,  if  he  determines  dates  of  the  early  second  century 
for  objects  owning  St.  John's  Gospel  for  a  source,  he  may  legit- 
imately be  allowed  to  draw  the  inference  that  the  Gospel  was  in 
existence  before  that  time,  and  also  to  point  out  the  bearing  of  his 
inference  upon  the  question  of  the  date  of  the  Gospel. 

The  Evidence. 

Coming  then  to  the  evidence  : 

There  are  certain  themes  treated  in  the  Art  of  the  Roman  cata- 
combs that  find  their  source  in  St.  John's  Gospel,  and  nowhere 
else.  These  themes  may  be  termed  absolutely  Johannine.  There 
are  other  themes  the  subject  matter  of  which  may  be  found  in 
other  parts  of  Scripture  as  well  as  in  the  Fourth  Gospel,  or  which 
cannot  be  connected  specifically  with  any  portion  of  the  sacred 
canon.  Yet  by  reason  of  sundry  evidence,  purely  archaeological, 
they  are  to  be  regarded  as  Johannine  in  source.  Such  may  be 
termed  archaeologically  Johannine.  There  are  also  certain  themes 
illustrating  other  portions  of  Scripture  as  well  as  St.  John's 
Gospel,  or  which  cannot  be  located  in  the  Scriptures  at  all,  which 
yet  seem  to  express  chief  of  all  the  characteristic  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel.  These  may  be  termed  characteristically  Johannine  themes. 
The  themes  then,  that  own  St.  John's  Gospel  as  a  source  are  to  be 


10  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

divided  into  these  three  classes ;  Johannine  absolutely,  archaeol- 
ogically,  and  characteristically. 

In  discussing  the  question  of  the  date  of  the  Gospel,  only 
those  absolutely  Johannine  will  be  considered.  These  are  cata- 
comb themes,  the  Johannine  source  of  which  no  one  can  success- 
fully dispute.  They  are  found  only  in  St.  John's  Gospel,  and  in 
no  other  parts  of  Scripture.  The  absolutely  Johannine  themes, 
about  which  there  can  be  no  question,  are : 

(i)   The  miracle  of  converting  water  into  wine  at  the  wedding 
feast  at  Cana  of  Galilee  (Jn.  2  :  i-ii). 

(2)  The  incident  of  the  conversation  of  Jesus  with  the  woman 

of  Samaria  at  Jacob's  well  (Jn.  4:  1-42). 

(3)  The  Raising  of  Lazarus  (Jn.  11 :  1-46). 

The  catacomb  paintings  in  which  these  themes  are  treated  con- 
stitute the  materia  for  study  in  investigating  the  date  of  the 
Gospel.  The  whole  matter,  of  course,  hinges  on  what  dates  may 
be  assigned  to  these  paintings.  It  is  therefore  necessary  now 
to  investigate  their  several  dates.  It  will  suffice  for  our  purpose 
to  treat  only  of  those  admittedly  early.  There  would  be  but  small 
point  in  including  in  our  investigations  those  that  everybody  re- 
gards as  works  of  the  third  century  and  later.  For  this  reason, 
the  entire  theme  of  the  miracle  of  the  Wine  at  Cana  of  Galilee  is 
excluded.  There  are  only  two  paintings  of  this  theme  that  have 
come  down  to  us  (with  a  probable  third),  and  the  earliest  dates  in 
the  first  half  of  the  third  century.  Only  two  paintings  of  the 
incident  at  the  well  of  Samaria  come  under  discussion,  and  the 
great  majority  of  those  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  are  excepted 
because  of  their  admittedly  late  date.  The  investigation  is  thus 
narrowed  to  a  very  few  paintings.  But  the  force  of  their  testi- 
mony is  ample  for  the  purpose. 

The  first  of  these  absolutely  Johannie  themes  is  that  of  the 
Raising  of  Lazarus.  The  earliest  painting  in  the  series  is  in  the 
so-called  Greek  Chapel  in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  on  the  Via 
Salaria  Nuova,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  city  wall.  A 
treatment  of  the  Lazarus  theme  is  found  on  the  inner  wall  of  the 


Archaeology  on  tlic  Date  of  the  Gospel  ii 

arch  separating  the  "presbytery"  from  the  "nave".'*  It  is  un- 
doubtedly the  first  in  the  series  of  the  absolutely  Johannine 
themes.  It  will  be  to  the  point,  therefore,  to  consider  the  matter 
of  the  date  of  this  Greek  Chapel,  in  which  the  painting  is  found. 

The  Date  of  the  Greek  Chapel. 

In  1895  Mgr.  Dr.  Joseph  Wilpert,  who  has  taken  for  his  spe- 
cial province  the  entire  field  of  Roman  Catacomb  Painting,  pub- 
lished a  book  called  "Fractio  Panis",  which  is  a  complete  descrip- 
tion of  this  chapel,  fully  illustrated  with  plates  and  drawings,  as 
well  as  a  discussion  of  the  themes  therein  portrayed,  and  the 
questions  pertaining  thereto.  This  book  was  the  result  of  his 
archaeological  exploration  of  the  chapel  and  parts  contiguous, 
which  he  had  commenced  in  1893,  ^^d  which  resulted  in  the  dis- 
covery of  several  exceedingly  valuable  paintings.  The  most  cele- 
brated of  these  is  a  scene  representing  seven  persons  at  table, 
the  end  one  of  which  is  engaged  in  breaking  a  loaf  of  bread, 
hence  the   title  given  the   scene  by  Wilpert,   "Fractio   Panis". ^ 

*  The  Greek  Chapel  is  cross  shaped  in  ground  plan,  roughly  speaking. 
It  consists  of  a  long  room  with  barrel  vault  ceiling,  divided  into  two 
parts  by  an  arch.  From  the  three  sides  of  the  farther  of  these  three 
recesses  project.  The  end  one  and  the  one  to  the  right  are  apsidal, 
and  the  one  to  the  left  has  a  barrel  vault  ceiling.  The  chapel  thus 
has  the  ground  plan  of  a  one  aisled  basilica  with  transept  and  apse, 
and  seats  in  the  nave  and  presbytery  were  furnished  by  artificial  loculi, 
or  shelf-like,  side-opening  graves,  the  tops  of  which  consisted  of  flat 
arches  of  brick.  Paintings  adorn  the  face  of  the  arches  of  these 
apses  and  vault,  as  well  as  both  sides  of  the  triumphal  arch  which 
separates  the  nave  from  the  presbytery,  and  the  face  of  the  arch  over 
the  entrance  wall.  The  vaults  of  the  nave  and  presbytery  were  also 
decorated  with  paintings,  as  well  as  the  walls  of  the  nave.  The  under 
sides  of  the  arches  were  decorated  with  a  stucco  design  of  acanthus 
leaves  and  rosettes  in  relief,  and  the  edge  in  places  with  an  egg 
moulding.  The  lower  wall  of  the  nave  consisted  of  an  imitation  marble 
stucco  decoration,  after  the  first  two  Pompeian  styles.  Because  of 
the  size  of  the  chapel  and  its  arrangements  for  seating  (as  well  as  its 
architectural  peculiarities),  it  is  believed  generally  that  Eucharistic  feasts 
were  often   held  within   its  walls. 

^Fractio  Panis  :  Die  Alteste  Darstellung  des  Eucharistischen  Opfers 
in  der  "Cappella  Greca".  Freiburg  im  B.  1895.  Herder'sche  Ver- 
lagshandlung. 


12  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Naturally  Dr.  Wilpert  gives  his  opinion  on  the  date  of  the  chapel, 
and  the  paintings  contained  therein,  and  devotes  a  chapter  to 
argument  on  the  same.®  He  concludes  his  reasoning  with  the 
declaration,  "Since,  therefore,  all  indications  speak  for  the  time 
of  Trajan,  or  Hadrian  at  the  latest,  our  paintings  are  to  be 
located,  with  certainty,  in  the  first  decades  of  the  second  cen- 
tury."^ 

Mgr.  Wilpert's  opinion  deserves  respect.  He  has  spent  years 
in  studying  the  paintings  of  the  catacombs,  and  has  done  the  ex- 
ceeding great  service  of  publishing  a  complete  corpus  of  the 
paintings  of  the  catacombs  of  Rome,  the  best  preserved  and  most 
important  of  which  are  reproduced  in  color,  and  with  a  faithful- 
ness that  no  one  who  has  studied  the  originals  can  question.* 
In  addition  to  this  corpus,  Wilpert  has  issued  numerous  mono- 
graphs upon  separate  cycles  of  paintings  and  studies  upon  mat- 
ters pertaining  to  Catacomb  Art.  He  is  the  man  best  qualified 
to  express  an  opinion  upon  all  questions  that  belong  to  the  paint- 
ings of  the  Roman  catacombs.  Accordingly,  his  book  on  the 
Greek  Chapel  may  be  regarded  as  fundamental  and  authoritative.^ 


"  "Chronologische  Bestimmung  der  Malereien",  p.  2gfi. 

'P.   32. 

*Die  Malereien  der  Katakomben  Roms,  one  vol.  of  plates  and  one 
of  text.  1903.  Freiburg  im  B.,  Herder'sche  Verlagshandlung.  An 
edition  of  the  same  in  Italian  was  issued  at  the  same  time  :  Le  Pitture 
delle  Catacombe  Romane;  Rome,  Desclee,  Lefebvre  &C.  It  is  not  to  be 
understood  that  all  the  paintings  are  reproduced  in  this  great  work.  Some, 
usually  in  a  very  fragmentary  state  or  in  utterly  inaccessible  positions, 
are  omitted,  but  descriptions  and  full  notices  are  given  of  all,  not  only 
of  those  now  existing,  but  also  of  those  now  lost  but  once  observed 
and  described  or  copied  by  earlier  excavators.  The  errors  of  the  corpus 
in  this  respect  are  remarkably  few.  Those  who  at  the  present  day 
examine  the  original  paintings  sometimes  criticise  the  color  plates  of  this 
corpus.  They  say  that  the  colors  do  not  correspond  with  the  frescoes 
themselves,  that  they  are  too  bright.  Sometimes  they  say  that  the  plates 
are  "treated,"  "re-touched,"  etc.  Such  critics  forget  that  several  years 
have  elapsed  since  these  copies  were  made,  also  the  fact  that  they  were 
made  under  the  best  possible  conditions  of  light  and  when  the  paintings 
were  carefully  cleansed  for  the  purpose. 

°  Mgr.  Wilpert  is  regarded  as  the  leading  authority  on  Catacomb 
Painting.     This   does  not   imply  that  he  holds   a   similar  position   in   all 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  13 

In  the  following  pages  an  effort  will  be  made  to  put  in  order 
the  chief  points  that  Wilpert  makes  in  support  of  the  date  he 
assigns,  as  well  as  all  others  that  may  be  advanced.  The  argu- 
ment can  be  best  appreciated  by  those  who  have  examined  the 
chapel  itself,  or  at  least  have  seen  the  plates  in  Wilpert's  Fractio 
Panis  and  Malereien  (Pitture). 

First  of  all,  he  affirms  that  all  of  the  paintings  in  the  chapel 
are  of  the  same  date.  The  complete  list  of  these  paintings  in- 
cludes the  Raising  of  Lazarus,  the  Breaking  of  Bread,  Abraham 
sacrificing  Isaac,  Daniel  and  two  Lions  before  the  palace  of  the 
Babylonian  King,  decorative  figures,  one  in  the  attitude  of  prayer, 
called  an  "Orant",  the  Adoration  of  the  Wise  Men,  scenes  from 
the  story  of  Susannah,  Moses  striking  the  Rock,  a  man  pointing 
to  the  Three  Hebrew  Children  in  the  Furnace  at  Babylon,  an 
ideal  head,  one  of  the  personifications  of  the  four  seasons,  and 
the  Restored  Paralytic  carrying  his  bed.  There  are  also  vases, 
vine  designs  and  flowers.  In  the  destroyed  ceiling  of  the  vault 
of  the  nave  Wilpert  says  was  probably  painted  a  scene  of  the 
Baptism. 

Because  the  paintings  on  the  arches  of  the  presbytery  are  in 
darker,  heavier  colors,  Noah,  for  example,  being  on  a  back- 
ground of  the  richest  Roman  red  (Malereien,  PI.  16)  and  the 
Fractio  Panis  being  treated  in  dark  red  (Mal.,  PI.  15,  i),  some 
critics  declared  that  they  are  of  a  different  date  from  those  of 
the  nave  which  are  on  lightly  tinted  backgrounds.  They  were 
unfortunate  in  making  the  date  later,  for  the  bold  red  of  the  Noah 
picture  recalls  the  best  period  of  Pompeii.  This  marked  differ- 
ence in  color  scheme  Wilpert  explains  in  a  very  rational  way. 
He  says  that  in  the  presbytery  the  pictures  were  viewed  by  the 

branches  of  Christian  Archaeology;  though  from  the  wealth  of  his 
knowledge  and  experience  his  statements  are  given  due  consideration. 
It  is  not  to  be  inferred,  either,  that  all  of  his  pronouncements  in  the 
field  of  Painting  are  correct,  and  are  to  be  received  without  question. 
His  interpretation  of  various  pictures  is  rejected  by  many  persons  who 
do  not  consider  his  arguments  conclusive.  But  in  the  scientific  study 
of  technique  his  position  is  first.  His  book  on  the  styles  of  clothing 
of  figures  in  catacomb  frescoes  is  an  illustration.  In  it  he  shows  how 
styles  of  clothing  form  an  exact  test  for  date  of  paintings,  and  scientifically 
outlines  the  criteria. 


14  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

direct  light  of  the  luminarium,  or  opening  from  the  surface  ad- 
mitting the  Hght  of  day.  Wherefore,  stronger,  darker  colors 
could  be  used  to  advantage,  while  in  the  darker  nave,  illumin- 
ated only  with  artificial  light,  the  ground  colors  would  have  to 
be  as  light  as  possible.  Moreover,  several  of  the  figures  treated 
upon  this  light  ground,  notably  two  of  the  Hebrew  children  in 
the  Babylonian  furnace,  are  in  a  tint  of  red  found  in  the  presby- 
tery part.  In  this  appreciation  of  the  problem  of  light  consists 
an  unique  characteristic  of  the  chapel.  It  contributes  largely 
to  its  artistic  merit,  and  thus  constitutes  a  strong  argument  for 
its  early  date. 

All  that  Wilpert  is  disposed  to  allow  is  the  hypothesis  of  two 
artists  working  side  by  side.  The  one  dealt  in  light,  delicate 
strokes,  and  preferred  light  colors.  He  was  more  lyric  in  treat- 
ment. The  other  used  heavy  strokes  and  strong  tones.  The 
work  of  both  is  found  in  both  parts  of  the  chapel,  showing  that 
they  worked  at  the  same  time.  The  lyric  artist  executed  the 
lightly  tinted  Susannah  scenes  of  the  nave,  and  the  entire  vault 
of  the  presbytery  with  its  graceful  vine  designs  and  corner  figures 
of  an  orant  and  ideal  figure,  and  the  scene  of  Daniel  with  his 
lions.  The  attitude  and  drapery  of  the  orant  correspond  exactly 
with  that  of  Daniel  as  orant  in  the  third  of  the  Susannah  pictures. 
Likewise,  the  ideal  figure  in  the  presbytery  vault  agrees  exactly 
in  dress,  and  in  the  circumstance  that  he  supports  his  garment 
with  his  left  hand,  with  the  man  who  points  to  the  three  Hebrew 
children  in  the  furnace,  which  scene  is  on  the  entrance  wall  of  the 
nave.  The  inference  is  plain  that  they  are  the  work  of  the  same 
hand.^°  The  same  inference  is  to  be  drawn  from  the  scenes  of 
the  Epiphany,  on  the  nave  side  of  the  triumphal  arch,  and  the 
Raising  of  Lazarus,  on  the  presbytery  side.  They  are  the  work 
of  the  artist  who  used  stronger  treatment.  Judging  from  his 
heavier  style  one  might  also  venture  the  observation  that  the  bar- 
rel vault  of  the  nave,  containing  the  Restored  Paralytic  and  the 
personification  of  Summer,  was  done  by  the  man  who  executed 
Noah,  the  Sacrifice  of  Abraham,  and  the  Breaking  of  Bread. 
These  specific  instances  should  be  sufficient  to  demonstrate  the 


'  Fractio  Panis,  pp.  24,  30,  etc. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  15 

truth  of  the  declaration  that  the  paintings  of  the  chapel  are  of 
equal  value  in  seeking  for  evidence  as  to  the  date  of  one  of  them. 
Arguments  derived  from  any  one  of  them  apply  with  exact  force 
upon  the  question  of  the  date  of  the  painting  under  consideration, 
the  Raising  of  Lazarus. 


An  outline  of  the  arguments  in  favor  of  the  date  of  the  early 
second  century  for  this  chapel,  and  accordingly  for  the  painting 
of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus,  may  now  be  given,  as  follows : 

I.  Technique  of  the  Paintings. 

(a)  The  stucco  on  which  these  frescoes  are  executed  is  of 
the  finest  quality.  This  is  a  sure  sign  of  early  date  in  catacomb 
paintings,  for  very  rapidly  great  carelessness  was  shown  in  the 
preparation  of  the  materials  used.  Coarse  grained  sand,  marble 
dust  and  brick  dust  took  the  place  of  the  fine  powders  of  the 
better  and  earlier  period. 

(b)  The  stucco  is  in  two  strata.  Vitruvius^^  recommended  six 
strata  to  Roman  architects,  but  at  Pompeii  one  stratum  only  is 
frequently  found.  We  do  not  have  enough  material  left  from 
Rome  to  form  accurate  conclusions  as  to  the  different  periods  of 
Roman  mural  painting,  but  in  the  catacombs  it  is  an  invariable 
rule  that  frescoes  on  two  layers  of  stucco  are  earlier.  To  observe 
that  a  fresco  is  on  one  layer  is  sufficient  to  mark  it  as  third 
century,  while  the  fourth  century  ones  frequently  confirm  the 
rule  by  exhibiting  an  immature  crudity.  (However,  the  fact  that 
a  painting  is  on  one  layer  of  stucco  does  not  necessarily  imply 
that  it  is  a  poor  painting.  Many  excellent  paintings  are  on  one 
layer,  but  even  so  are  of  a  later  period.) 

(c)  The  colors  employed  are  of  the  best.  The  pigments  are 
of  the  best  to  be  found  in  all  Catacomb  Art.  The  colors  are  ab- 
solute in  each  case.    Whatever  the  tint  used  it  is  always  consist- 


Cf.  Vitruvius :    De  Architectura,  VII,  3. 


i6  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

ent.  It  is  not  offensive  by  falling  short  of  what  we  would  wish 
or  expect.  In  later  frescoes  there  is  often  a  manifest  failure  in 
the  mixing  or  in  the  application  of  the  colors  (their  selection 
will  be  discussed  presently).  They  are  not  what  they  ought  to  be. 
In  later  paintings  they  were  often  improperly  or  carelessly  ap- 
plied. Many  of  the  later  paintings  have  a  faded  appearance, 
caused  by  the  neglect  of  the  workman,  who  did  not  apply  the 
colors  at  the  proper  time.  He  painted  his  picture  when  the  stucco 
was  too  far  dried,  so  the  colors  did  not  endure. 

None  of  these  things  happened  to  the  paintings  of  the  Greek 
Chapel.  The  colors  are  full  and  rich,  or  light  and  delicate,  but 
in  the  complete  tone  that  was  intended.  Several  of  these  paint- 
ings have  indeed  suffered  severely,  and  are  by  no  means  in 
appearance  as  originally  painted.  But  this  is  due  to  the  effects 
of  time  and  ruin.  A  stalactite  formation,  the  result  of  the  con- 
stant dripping  of  water,  as  originally  let  in  through  the  luminar- 
ium,  destroyed  the  effect  of  several.  Yet  we  have  to  thank  this 
same  stalactite  formation  for  preserving  them  to  us.  When 
once  covered  they  were  protected  as  under  glass,  and  no  one 
could  remove  them,  and  no  one  knew  of  their  existence.  Careful 
treatment  with  chemicals  in  our  own  day  has  at  last  revealed 
them,  though  in  a  ruined  condition. 

The  colors  employed  in  these  pictures  are  the  same  as  those 
we  see  so  constantly  repeated  in  Pompeian  frescoes.  Particularly 
do  the  ground  tones  strike  us  as  being  similar,  the  red  in  the 
Noah  scene,  for  instance.  These  paintings,  therefore,  belong  to 
the  very  earliest  period  of  Catacomb  Art,  the  period  in  direct 
chronological  relation  to  the  Pompeian. 

(d)  The  chapel  contains  decorations  in  stucco  relief.  Acan- 
thus leaves  ending  in  rosettes  are  worked  on  the  under  surface 
of  several  arches.  Such  work  in  the  catacombs  is  exceedingly 
rare,  and  marks  an  early  period.  In  the  Flavian  section  of  the 
catacomb  of  Domitilla  a  tomb  is  faced  with  stucco  decoration  in 
relief  in  order  to  give  to  it  the  appearance  of  a  carved  sarcopha- 
gus. The  Flavian  section  of  the  Domitilla  catacomb  is  at  the  very 
entrance,  and  in  its  primitive  part.  It  is  dated  generally  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  first  century,  that  is,  in  the  reign  of  Domi- 


Plate  IV.     I'kiiM    Wili-ekt's  ]Ma;.eue]ex. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  17 

tian  (81-98).  Work  in  stucco  is  usually  a  sign  of  early  date. 
The  stucco  work  in  the  Greek  Chapel  is  of  a  remarkably  fine 
order.  It  is  somewhat  heavy,  but  is  regular  and  in  graceful 
lines.     It  forms  a  valid  argument  for  early  date. 

2.  Artistic  Merit  of  the  Paintings. 

(a)  They  recall  the  Pompeian  cycle.  Pompeian  paint- 
ings possess  this  advantage  in  the  matter  of  dating,  that 
they  are  furnished  with  a  terminus  ad  quern.  Professor 
Mau  investigated  them  scientifically,  and  from  his  observa- 
tions classified  them  into  four  "styles",  which  correspond 
with  four  several  periods,  though  the  styles  overlap  and 
undergo  revivals.  In  this  work  he  demonstrated  what  may  be 
accomplished  in  the  scientific  dating  of  ancient  paintings  by  de- 
ducing criteria  and  applying  the  various  pictures  to  them  for 
judgment.  It  is  customary  when  one  thinks  of  the  history  of 
painting,  to  place  a  gap  from  the  days  of  Pompeii  to  sometime 
along  in  the  middle  ages,  for,  as  is  well  known,  the  remains  of 
Roman  painting  are  exceedingly  rare.  But  it  must  be  understood 
that  this  gap  is  exactly  filled  by  the  period  of  Catacomb  Painting. 
This  period  begins  when  Pompeian  Painting  ceases,  and  pre- 
serves the  connection,  so  that  now  one  may  study  the  history  of 
painting  in  unbroken  succession  from  the  period  of  the  Greek 
masters  on  down  to  our  own  day.  It  is  not  out  of  place,  there- 
fore, to  point  out  the  important  position  of  Catacomb  Art  in  the 
history  of  painting,  a  position  somewhat  too  lightly  regarded 
by  those  who  write  upon  the  history  of  Art.  While  the  frescoes 
of  the  catacombs  are  by  no  means  as  numerous  as  those  at  Pom- 
peii, they  are  in  sufficient  quantity  to  allow  accurate  study,  and  are 
as  important  in  illustrating  the  subterranean  city  as  those  at  Pom- 
peii are  for  the  city  above  ground.  It  is  true  that  they  mark  a 
decline  in  Art,  and  in  this  respect  are  not  so  interesting  as  those 
at  Pompeii.  Their  interest  lies  rather  in  their  content.  But 
they  supply  a  defect  in  the  Pompeian  cycle,  for  at  Pompeii  no 
ceilings  are  preserved,  while  in  the  catacombs  they  are  very  num- 
erous, so  that  the  catacombs  allow  us  to  judge  how  the  Pom- 
peian ceilings  were  decorated.     It  is  easy  to  restore  ceilings  to 


i8  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Pompeian  houses  from  the  Crypt  of  Lucina,  the  Sacrament  Cha- 
pels, the  Johannine  Crypt,  the  Greek  Chapel,  and  numerous  other 
catacomb  chambers.  In  return  for  this  service,  Pompeian  Art 
displays  the  sources  of  the  later  Art  and  in  the  Pompeian  cycle 
we  find  the  beginnings  of  Catacomb  Painting. 

The  paintings  in  the  Greek  Chapel  very  nearly  approach  this 
cycle.  This  argument  appeals  best  to  those  who  have  examined 
both.  But  to  those  who  have  seen  Pompeian  pictures,  or  repro- 
ductions of  them,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  remark  that  in  the  Greek 
Chapel  we  have  the  same  Roman  firmness  and  fulness  in  reason- 
able limits,  not  in  the  crude  strength  into  which  Catacomb  Paint- 
ing degenerated  when  plenty  of  ground  color  took  the  place  of 
gradation  of  tone.  A  distinct  reminiscence  of  Pompeii  is  found  in 
the  group  of  buildings  in  the  scene  of  Daniel  between  the  Lions. 
The  small  size  of  this  painting,  as  well  as  the  capricious  way  in 
which  it  is  introduced  into  the  scheme  of  decoration  of  the  vault 
of  the  presbytery,  argue  for  similarity  with  late  Pompeian  styles. 
Further,  the  dado  of  imitation  marble  which  runs  around  the 
nave  points  to  the  same  conclusion.^-     The  decorations  of  this 

"  Fractio  Pants,  p.  28.  "Zuletzt  woUen  wir  uns  der  Ausschmiickung  der 
untern  Wandtheile  zuwenden,  welche  die  Archaologen  bisher  entweder 
ganz  unbeachtet  liessen  oder  mit  ein  paar  abfalligen  Worten  in  eine  viel 
spatere  Zeit  als  die  bildlishen  Darstellungen  herabsetzen.  Es  liegt  indes 
auch  hier  ein  Irrthum  vor :  da  sie  sich  noch  ganz  an  die  antike  Decora- 
tionsweise  anlehnt,  so  legt  sie  ein  nicht  unterschatzendes  Zeugniss  fiir 
das  hohe  Alter  der  Kapelle  und  ihrer  Fresken  ab. 

"Professor  Mau,  einer  der  grossten  Kenner  der  antiken  Malerei,  hat 
auf  Grund  seiner  fleissigen  und  scharfsinnigen  Untersuchungen  die  einzel- 
nen  Phasen  in  der  Entwicklungsgeschichte  der  decorativen  Wand- 
malerei  in  Pompeji  festgestellt  und  vier  verschiedene  Stilarten  unter- 
schieden :  den  Incrustations-,  den  Architecturstil  und  zwei  ornamentale. 
Die  zwei  ersten — nur  diese  kommen  hier  in  Betracht — stimmen  darin 
iiberein,  dass  der  untere  Theil  der  Wand  des  auszumalenden  Raumes, 
abgesondert  und  mit  einer  der  Quaderimitation  mehr  oder  weniger 
nahestehenden  Marmorincrustation  decorirt'  wird ;  bei  beiden  folgen 
iiber  dem  Sockel  stehende  Rechtecke  zur  Andeutung  der  Marmorplatten ; 
bei  beiden  werden  die  einzelnen  Decorationstheile  getrennt :  der  Sockel 
durch  einen  Gurt  oder  Leiste  und  die  Rechtecke  durch  ein  Gesims, 
welches  den  Abschluss  nach  oben  bildet.  Der  Hauptunterscheid  zwischen 
diesen  zwei  Stilen  besteht  darin,  dass  im  ersten  die  Bekleidung  mit 
Marmorplatten  wie  auch  die  Trennungsglieder  in  plastischer  Stuckarbeit 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  19 

chapel  are  in  undoubted  and  immediate  succession  to  the  Pom- 
peian  paintings.  They  are  among  the  finest  in  all  Catacomb  Art, 
and  approach  very  nearly  in  excellence  to  many  of  those  at  Pom- 
peii.^^ 

(b)  Attention  has  been  called  already  to  the  admirable  appre- 
ciation and  handling  of  the  light  problem.  The  presbytery, 
lighted  by  the  luminarium,  is  treated  in  darker  colors  than  the 
more  obscure  nave  in  which  the  colors  are  light  and  delicate. 
This  indicated  the  use  of  judgment  rarely  found  in  later  paintings 
when  such  niceties  in  Art  were  forgotten. 

(c)  Individuality  on  the  part  of  the  artist  or  artists  is  shown, 
a   In  the  delicacy  of  touch  employed.    It  is  necessary  to  men- 
tion only  the  vine  design  in  the  vault  of  the  presbytery,^*  and 
the  sketching  in  the  Susannah  scenes,"  as  well  as  the  man  who 
points  to  the  three  Hebrew  children  in  the  furnace,^"  and  the  ideal 

nachgeahmt  sind,  wahrend  im  zweiten  alles  dieses  in  Malerei  aiif  flacher 
Wand  ausgefuhrt  ist. 

"Ein  Blick  auf  die  Ausmalung  der  untern  Wandtheile  in  der  'Cappella 
greca'  zeigt,  dass  sie  ein  Gemisch  der  Decorationselemente  der  zwei 
ersten  Stilarten  aufweist.  Nehmen  wir  zunachst  die  rechte  Wand  des 
Schiffes.  Der  Sockel  enthalt  eine  Imitation  von  geld — und  rothgeadertem 
Marmor  und  ist  durch  eine  vorspringende  Leiste  von  weissem  Stuck 
begrenzt ;  oberhalb  des  Sockels  sind  grosse  Rechtecke,  die  den  gleichen 
Marmor  nachahmen  und  von  einem  doppelten  Rahmen  eingefasst  sind : 
einem  weissem,  welcher  zuriicktritt,  und  einem  rothem,  welcher  vor- 
springt;  ein  Consolenfries  mit  stark  profilirtem  Gesimse  bildet  den  Ab- 
schluss  und  trennt  die  Incrustationsflache  von  derjenigen,  in  der  die 
Bilder  gemalt  sind.  Bei  der  linken  Wand  ist  der  Sockel  durch  die 
gemauerte  Bank  eingenommen,  und  die  Rechtecke  sind  in  ahnlicher  Weise 
wie  gegeniiber  behandelt ;  der  Consolenfries  mit  dem  Gesims  fehit  und 
ist  durch  ein  ausserst  primitives  Ornament,  das  vielleicht  dem  Eierstabe 
nachgebildet  ist,  ersetzt.  In  dem  Raume  mit  den  Nischen  wurde  infolge 
der  gegebenen  Verhaltnisse  die  Marmorbekleidung  nur  in  Malerei  auf 
glatter  Flache  nachgeahmt." 

"When  it  is  considered  that  they  were  executed  by  lamp  light,  in  dif- 
ficult postures,  in  underground  crypts  illuminated  by  artificial  means, 
and  not  by  the  skilled  workmen  that  wealthy  pagan  Romans  could 
afford,  it  is  a  wonder  that  they  are  as  good  as  they  are. 

^*  Fractio  Panis,  PI.  XII  and  fig.  2. 

«Mal.,  PI.  14;  Fractio,  PI.  IV  and  V. 

^"Mal.,  PL    13. 


20  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

head  on  the  entrance  wall.^^  A  man  of  taste  evidently  exe- 
cuted these. 

/8  There  is  an  attempt  made  at  perspective.  In  the  first  of  the 
Susannah  scenes  the  two  elders  approaching  Susannah  are  de- 
picted one  behind  the  other.  The  result  is  not  a  success.  But  it 
is  unique,  for  in  Catacomb  Painting  the  action  is  regularly  all  on 
the  same  plane.  So  an  argument  may  reasonably  be  drawn  that 
in  this  instance  of  attempt  at  perspective  a  reminiscence  is  main- 
tained of  days  when  perspective  was  employed  more  success- 
fully. 

y  Landscape  is  attempted.  A  tree  is  included  in  the  scene  of 
Moses  striking  the  rock,  also  a  mountain  in  the  scene  of  Abraham 
sacrificing  Isaac.  Trees  frequently  enclose  the  representations 
of  the  Good  Shepherd  in  catacomb  paintings,  but  in  other  scenes 
of  the  open  air  such  natural  features  of  the  landscape  are  omitted 
in  later  pictures,  unless  absolutely  necessary  for  the  symbolism. 
By  the  fourth  century  a  tree  became  a  sign  that  the  scene  of 
the  painting  was  laid  out  of  doors,  and  a  solitary  tree  was  sup- 
posed to  suggest  to  the  beholder  a  verdant  landscape  with  moun- 
tains in  the  background.  But  in  earlier  paintings,  the  fact  that 
some  attempt  is  made  at  landscape  indicates  the  first  catacomb 
period. 

8  The  figures  are  well  handled.  In  a  large  measure  they 
really  portray  the  action  or  the  emotion  they  are  supposed  to  rep- 
resent. The  picture  of  the  Breaking  of  Bread  is  the  best.  The 
persons  at  table  are  in  the  natural  and  graceful  gestures  of  con- 
versation or  of  picking  up  morsels  of  food.^^  Abraham  looks  as 
if  he  really  intends  to  slay  his  son  Isaac. ^^  Susannah  when  ac- 
cused does  not  raise  her  arms  in  the  mechanical  attitude  of  the 


"Mai,    PI.    13. 

^^Fractio,  PI.  XIII-XIV;  Mai.,  Pi.  15,  i.  Marucchi,  in  his  book  Le  Cata- 
combe  Romane,  p.  429,  says,  "lo  faro  notare  che  mentre  nelle  altre  pitture 
del  Banchetto  eucaristico  le  figure  hanno  tipi  ideali  ed  appena  accennati, 
qui  I'artista  ha  voluto  rappresentare  del  veri  ritratti.  E  cosi,  per  es.,  puo 
osservarsi  che  il  ministro  nella  pittura  del  III  secolo,  la  Consecrazione 
eucaristica,  al  cimitero  di  Callisto,  ha  un  tipo  ideale,  mentre  qui  e  un 
vecchio  barbarto  che  presenta  qualche  somiglianza  con  quello  di  san 
Pietro ;  il  che  e  importante  per  I'accennata  memoria  dell'Apostolo." 

^'Fractio,  PI.  X. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  21 

customary  orant,  but  holds  them  at  different  levels  and  angles. 
She  seems  to  be  really  in  trouble,  and  her  prayer  for  deliverance 
is  most  earnest.-*^  Also  the  three  Hebrew  children  in  the  fiery 
turnace  by  their  gestures  and  attitudes  express  their  distress,  and 
the  man  who  points  to  them  is  realistic  in  his  gesture.-^  Atten- 
tion is  also  to  be  called  to  the  excellent  portrait  head  on  the  en- 
trance wall,  above  the  door. 

Each  separate  picture  represents  action.  In  several  cases  the 
scenes  are  particularly  well  handled.  They  are  among  the  best 
in  all  Catacomb  Art  in  this  respect,  and  are,  therefore,  to  be 
classed  among  the  very  first  in  point  of  time. 

c  Realism  does  not  entirely  give  place  to  symbolism.  The 
chief  excuse  for  the  entire  cycle  of  catacomb  paintings,  aside 
from  those  which  are  frankly  decorative,  is  that  they  are  symbolic. 
That  is,  by  a  simple  portrayal  of  a  few  essential  details  such  as 
Jonah,  a  ship,  and  a  sea-monster,  deep  spiritual  truths  were  sug- 
gested to  the  beholder,  at  least  to  one  who  had  the  requisite 
knowledge.  In  the  case  of  Jonah,  for  example,  it  made  no  dif- 
ference for  the  symbolism  that  Jonah  was  often  painted  larger 
than  the  ship,  and  in  no  instances  could  the  ship  carry  a  crew  of 
more  than  three  or  four  men — not  to  mention  a  ship's  company, 
or  that,  physically  speaking,  it  would  be  difficult  for  Jonah  to 
thrust  even  his  arm  into  the  throat  of  the  sea-dragon.  Such 
details  made  no  difference.  The  symbolic  purpose  was  served  by 
a  ship  of  any  size,  and  a  monster  of  any  description.  Likewise, 
an  ark  shaped  like  a  box,  large  enough  to  contain  Noah  alone, 
was  sufficient  to  symbolize  the  truth  in  the  history  of  the  patri- 
arch. It  made  no  difference  that  Noah's  family  and  all  the 
animals  were  excluded.  They  were  not  necessary  for  the  sym- 
bolism, and  no  notice  was  taken  of  them.  In  a  sense,  the  sym- 
bolism of  Catacomb  Art  is  hieroglyphic. 

"^Fractio,    PI.    V;    Mai.,    PI.    14,    i. 

^  Mai.,  PI.  13.  This  man  is  probably  Daniel  who  records  the  incident 
in  the  book  of  his  prophecy.  A  similar  instance  of  a  sacred  writer  point- 
ing to  the  picture  which  illustrates  his  words  is  in  this  same  catacomb,  and 
scarcely  any  later  in  date.  It  is  a  picture  of  Isaiah  pointing  to  the  Ma- 
donna and  Child,  evidently  illustrating  his  prophecy,  "Behold  a  virgm 
shall  concieve,  etc."    Is.  7 :  14. 


22  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

But  in  the  Greek  Chapel  this  symbolic  brevity  is  not  yet  fully 
organized.  We  see  it  in  its  beginnings.  Daniel  is  pictured  be- 
tween two  lions,  as  in  all  later  instances,  but  he  is  clothed,  and 
the  lions'  den  is  represented,  as  well  as  Nebuchadnezzar's  palace 
in  the  background.  This  effort  to  indicate  the  location  of  the 
scene  is  never  repeated.  Such  things  were  not  necessary  for 
the  symbolism,  and  so  were  omitted.  But  in  this  early  painting 
(there  is  one  earlier,  but  very  greatly  damaged,  in  the  Flavian 
gallery  in  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla),  we  observe  that  the  sym- 
bolic treatment  was  not  yet  stereotyped,  and  that  the  artist 
thought  that  there  should  be  some  attempt  made  at  realism. 

Another  illustration  is  the  painting  of  the  Fractio  Panis  itself. 
Here  also  the  two  ideas  merge.  The  action  is  natural  and  realis- 
tic, yet  symboHsm  is  manifestly  intended  by  the  number  of  those 
feasting,  by  the  viands  served,  and  by  the  twelve  baskets  of  bread 
standing  at  either  side. 

In  this  conflict  between  realism  and  symbolism  there  lies  a 
sure  indication  of  early  date.  It  will  be  shown  directly  that  not 
one  of  the  themes  treated  in  the  chapel  corresponds  even  in  de- 
gree with  the  later  representations  of  the  same. 

3.  Unnaturally  long  and  slender  figures  a  mark  of  early  date. 
If  one  observes  the  figures  of  Susannah  on  the  side  walls  of  the 

nave  he  will  notice  that  she  is  abnormally  long  and  slender.  Her 
figure  is  out  of  proportion,  and  her  arms  are  not  long  enough 
to  correspond  with  her  body.  The  same  criticism  applies  to  the 
figures  at  the  corners  of  the  vault  of  the  presbytery.--  A  similar 
failing  appears  in  much  of  the  Pompeian  and  Roman  Art.  It  oc- 
curs especially  in  frieze  decoration.  One  of  the  best  known 
illustrations  is  to  be  found  in  the  celebrated  Pompeian  painting 
representing  a  sacrificial  ceremony  before  the  temple  of  Isis. 
With  these  elongated  priests  Susannah  may  be  compared,  and, 
inasmuch  as  the  fault  does  not  continue  in  Catacomb  Art,  the  in- 
ference as  to  connection  in  date  is  unmistakable. 

4.  The  fact  that  Daniel  is  clothed  is  a  certain  indication   of 

early  date. 
In  only  three  known  paintings  is  Daniel  clothed  when  repre- 


'■  Fractio,   Pis.    IV,   V,   XII  ;     Mai.,    PI.    14. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  23 

sented  between  his  lions.  They  are  all  in  the  earliest  sections  of 
three  of  the  earliest  catacombs;  in  the  Flavian  hypogeum  in  the 
catacomb  of  Domitilla,  a  painting  dated  in  the  first  century,  in  the 
picture  under  consideration  in  the  Greek  Chapel  in  the  cata- 
comb of  Priscilla,  and  in  the  Crypt  of  Lucina  on  the  Via  Appia, 
of  the  early  second  century.  In  all  other  cases  he  is  depicted 
naked.-^  This  mode  continues  on  down  through  the  period  of 
the  sarcophagi  as  well,  on  which  there  are  many  illustrations. 

The  change  was  probably  made  in  the  interests  of  symbolism. 
The  fact  of  his  being  in  a  condition  of  punishment  could  be  indi- 
cated in  no  better  way.  Criminals  suffered  nude,  and  so  Daniel, 
being  punished  by  royal  decree,  would  represent  that  fact  better 
to  the  Roman  mind  if  depicted  as  a  condemned  criminal.  Jonah 
also,  undergoing  punishment,  is  naked.  So  are  Adam  and  Eve 
(PI.  XII),  but  for  a  different  reason  in  symbolism.  It  is  to 
be  noted,  then,  that  in  the  Greek  Chapel  Daniel  is  in  the  style 
used  before  the  stereotyped  form  of  treatment  was  devised.  It 
therefore  adds  to  the  evidence  for  early  date. 

5.  Unique  treatment  of  Daniel  among  the  lions. 

Such  treatment  of  this  theme  in  Catacomb  Art  is  absolutely 
unique.  In  no  other  painting  is  the  enclosure  of  the  lions  shown, 
nor  is  there  an  attempt  to  give  a  realistic  presentation  of  the 
scene  by  adding  Nebuchadnezzar's  palace  and  neighboring  build- 
ings. In  only  two  other  paintings,  as  just  remarked,  is  Daniel 
depicted  clothed.  The  only  feature  continued  in  later  paintings 
is  that  of  the  prophet  standing  between  two  lions.  Two  lions  were 
enough  for  symbolism,  and  symmetry  of  design,  so  carefully  and 
noticeably  maintained  in  catacomb  paintings,-*  was  attained  by  the 

^Fractio,  PI.  IX;  Mai.,  PL  5-1,  25.  Cf.  Biillettino  di  Archeologia  Crist- 
iana,  1865,  p.  42,  2.  Also  Mai.,  PI.  89-1  2/2IIIC,  103  1/2IVD,  will  or 
alVPraet,  o)  &2/2IIIP&M,  104  2/2IIIP&M,  106-1  2/2lIIPraet,  169 
i/2lVMaius,  200-2  i^IVD,  212  i^IVvM,  etc.  In  several  instances  the 
prophet  is  provided  with  the  perisoma. 

^When  the  Madonna  and  Child  are  placed  between  the  Wise  Men, 
the  Magi  number  two  or  four,  one  or  two  on  either  side ;  but  when  She  is 
at  one  side  and  the  Wise  Men  approach  they  number  the  traditional 
three.  Fractio,  PI.  VII;  Mai.,  PI.  60,  116-1,  144-1,  166-2,  231-2,  239,  etc.  Cf. 
also  PI.  Vlllb. 


24  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

pyramid  effect  of  Daniel  between  the  two  crouching  beasts.  In 
the  Greek  Chapel,  then,  we  have  a  free  effort  of  the  artist's  im- 
agination. It  was  executed  before  the  canons  of  symbolism  were 
introduced,  and  enforced  as  invariable.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  it  is  the  earliest  painting  of  the  theme  save  the  one  in  the 
Flavian  hypogeum  (in  the  Domitilla  catacomb),  for  which  the 
evidence  points  to  the  first  century  without  question. 

6.  N ehuchadnezzar' s  palace,  and  all  the  buildings  painted  are 
classic  in  design. 

In  the  series  of  buildings  in  this  chapel  numerous  structures 
are  depicted.  Nebuchadnezzar's  palace  has  been  referred  to.  It 
is  a  long  structure  of  which  we  see  a  colonnaded  fagade  with 
architrave,  above  which  are  two  rows  of  windows.  It  bears 
strong  resemblance  to  restorations  that  are  proposed  for  the  side 
fagades  of  the  Basilica  Julia  or  the  Basilica  Aemelia  in  the  Roman 
Forum.  Beside  it  are  gable  roofed  structures,  and  circular, 
domed  buildings  of  which  there  are  numerous  examples  in  classic 
remains  of  the  period,  not  only  at  Pompeii,  but  also  at  Rome. 
Such  structures,  whether  temples,  or  buildings  of  public  or  private 
use,  are  very  common  in  the  friezes  or  in  small  panel  landscape 
pictures  at  Pompeii. -°  The  round  building  to  the  right  of  the 
palace  confirms  its  classic  appearance  by  having  a  statuary  group 
on  top. 

Other  buildings  in  the  Greek  Chapel  series  are  a  structure  with 
gable  roof  in  one  of  the  Susannah  paintings,  identified  as  the 
bath  house,  and  the  tomb  in  the  scene  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus. 
One  may  be  permitted  to  remark,  also,  concerning  the  tomb  of 
Lazarus  that  the  building  is  Greek.  Its  architecture  is  Greek, 
and  it  would  seem  that  even  the  style  of  masonry  is  Greek.-^ 

^Examples  at  Rome  may  be  noted  in  Wand-und  Deckenschmuck  Eines 
Romischen  Hauses  aus  der  Ze'it  des  Augustus,  Lessing  and  Mau,  PI.  IX. 
Monumenti  Inediti.  Vol.  VI,  PI.  LIII,  contains  examples  from  a  tomb 
on  the    Via  Latina. 

'"  Cf.  Vitruvius :  De  Architectura,  n.8.7.  "Graeci  vero  non  ita ;  sed 
plana  (coria)  collocantes,  et  longitudines  chororum  alternis  coagmentis 
incrassitudinem  instruentes,  non  media  farciunt  sed  e  suis  frontatis  per- 
petuum  et  in  unam  crassitudinem  parietem  consolidant.     Praeterea  interpo- 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  25 

This  fact  that  the  buildings  are  depicted  in  classic  style  may 
at  least  be  regarded  as  adjunctive  evidence  for  early  date  for  the 
paintings  of  the  chapel. 

7.  The  treatinent  of  the  Epiphany  is  unique  and  indicates  a 
period  ivhen  the  mode  zvas  not  determined. 

A  similar  grouping  does  not  appear  until  the  late  third  or  early 
fourth  century.  The  Madonna  seated,  and  holding  the  Child,  is 
on  the  right,  while  the  three  Wise  Men  approach  bearing  their 
gifts  before  them.-'  In  succeeding  pictures  of  the  Madonna  cycle 
of  the  third  century  the  Virgin  sits  in  the  midst  of  two  or  four 
Magi ;  or  else  she  is  depicted  without  them  entirely,  as  in  similar 
themes  such  as  the  painting  of  the  "Madonna  of  the  Prophet", 
in  this  same  catacomb,  in  which  Isaiah  points  to  the  Virgin  and 
Child  and  to  a  star  over  their  heads.  The  Magi  lack  some  of 
the  articles  of  attire  that  characterize  them  as  orientals  in  later 
pictures.  So  far  as  can  be  seen  they  are  dressed  only  in  tunics 
and  shoes,  and  lack  the  mantles  that  mark  them  as  travellers,  and 
the  Phrygian  caps  that  indicate  their  oriental  origin  in  succeeding 
representations.  Besides,  the  Virgin  seems  to  be  unveiled,  which 
is  not  regular  in  the  theme  of  the  Epiphany.  In  the  presence  of 
the  Wise  Men,  and  bearing  the  Sacred  Child  it  seemed  more 
proper  in  the  mind  of  the  artist  that  she  be  veiled.  The  picture 
has  been  so  injured  by  the  stalactite  formation  that  covered  it 
that  further  details  are  exceedingly  difficult  to  make  out,  but  Wil- 
pert  asserts  that  the  Child  is  wrapped  in  swaddling  clothes.  If 
this  is  so  it  is  an  exception  in  pre-Constantinian  Art.  In  the 
Madonna  of  the  Prophet,  of  a  contemporary  period,  the  Infant 
is  entirely  naked,  and  so  in  others  in  which  we  can  be  certain 
of  the  details,  down  to  the  fourth  century. ^^ 


nunt  singulos  perpetua  crassitudine  utraque  parte  frontatos,  quos  Starovovs 
appellant,  qui  maxime  religando  confirmant  parietem  solitudinem." 

^Fractio,  PI.  VII.  Cf.  Mai.,  PI.  22  1/2IIP,  60  1/2IIIP&M,  81  2/2IIIP, 
83-1  2/2IIID,  loi  2/2IIIP&M,  116-1,  141  1/2IVD,  143-1  1/2IVC,  144-1  1/2 
IVC,  etc. 

'^  To  show  the  pressing  need  of  an  accurate  publication  of  the  paint- 
ings of  the  catacombs  we  may  cite  the  statement,  correct  as  far  as  the 
author  knew  or  could  determine  from  existing  publications,  made  by  Mr. 


26  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

The  painting  in  the  Greek  Chapel,  from  the  features  just  men- 
tioned, and  because  of  a  decided  difference  in  the  handhng  of 
the  figures,  is  unique  in  its  series,  and  also  shows  that  it  was 
executed  before  the  ideas  on  how  the  theme  should  be  treated  be- 
came stereotyped  and  invariable.  Hence  it  is  at  the  head  of  the 
list  as  regards  date. 

8.  The  Sacrifice  of  Abraham  and  the  Story  of  Susannah  are 

uniquely  treated. 
Susannah^®  is  rare  in  the  catacombs,  and  her  story  is  variously 
treated,  but  here  we  have  more  of  her  unpleasant  predicament 
illustrated  than  in  any  other  place.  The  theme  of  Abraham^" 
sacrificing  his  son  is  fairly  common,  but  the  present  example  is 
the  earliest  in  the  series.  The  painting  is  very  greatly  damaged. 
A  good  part  of  Abraham,  and  all  of  Isaac  but  his  head,  are 
destroyed,  but  enough  remains  to  enable  us  to  note  that  the 
arrangement  of  the  scene  is  independent  of  all  later  representa- 
tions. Isaac  is  probably  kneeling.  An  attempt  at  realism  and 
agreement  with  the  Biblical  account  is  observed  in  the  intro- 
duction of  a  mountain.  Here  also  the  artist  was  not  fettered 
in  his  imagination.  The  same  point  as  to  an  unformed  canon 
applies  here  as  to  the  instances  stated  above. 

9.  The  theme  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  is  absolutely  unique 

in  treatment,  and  must  have  been  executed  before  its 
type  was  fixed. 
There  is  no  painting  like  it  in  early  Christian  Art  (PI.  la).^^ 
To  the  right  in  the  picture  is  the  tomb.  It  is  a  small,  rectangular 
structure,  with  gable  roof,  and  it  is  impossible  to  say  from  its 
present  condition  whether  it  was  approached  by  steps  or  not, 
though  it  is  probable  that  two  or  three  are  to  be  understood. 

Hulme,  (Sytnbolisni  in  Christian  Art,  London,  1891,  p.  44),  in  which  he 
says,  "Christ  as  the  infant  was  always,  until  the  fourteenth  century,  de- 
picted clothed,  and  it  was  only  at  the  decadence  of  Christian  Art  that 
He  was  represented  as  nearly  or  quite  naked." 

"^Fractio,  PI.  IV,  V;  Mai.,  PI.  14. 

"^Fractio,  PI.  X. 

"■^Ibid.,  PI.  XI. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  27 

It  was  built  of  rectangular  blocks  of  travertine  or  marble,  appa- 
rently of  the  customary  dimensions.  The  artist  made  a  mistake 
in  sketching  the  roof,  for  in  his  effort  to  show  the  entire  front 
of  the  tomb  he  misjudged  the  perspective  and  arranged  the 
ridge  in  such  a  manner  that  it  does  not  appear  to  be  in  the 
middle,  but  to  one  side,  so  that  the  right  slope  of  the  roof  (as 
one  looks  at  it)  seems  to  be  less  broad  than  the  other.  In 
the  doorway,  leaning  diagonally  across  it  is  a  mummy,  wrapped 
quite  differently,  as  far  as  one  may  judge,  from  those  of  later 
pictures.  At  a  little  distance  from  the  tomb  stand  two  figures, 
of  which  one  may  say  that  one  is  undoubtedly  a  woman.  She 
is  veiled,  and  has  long,  smooth  hair  parted  apparently  in  front. 
The  other  figure  is,  to  all  appearances,  a  man,  in  pallium  which  is 
white.  He  is  looking  at  the  tomb.  The  woman  has  placed 
her  left  hand  on  the  man,  and  her  right  arm  is  raised.  Wilpert 
says  that  in  this  first  painting  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  Christ 
is  not  pictured  at  all,  but  that  Lazarus  is  seen  twice.  He  is 
painted  first  as  the  mummy,  and  then  as  the  resurrected  Lazarus.^- 
In  the  second  case  he  is  represented  resurrected  and  looking  at 
his  own  mummy  in  the  act  of  resurrection.  Wilpert  refuses  to 
identify  Christ  in  this  picture  (although  his  second  Lazarus 
holds  an  attitude  ordinarily  taken  by  Christ  in  later  paintings), 
doubtless  because  of  the  familiar  attitude  of  the  woman,  ivahr- 
scheinlich  Maria,  as  well  as  from  the  fact  that  he  is  clad  in 
white  and  has  his  arms  crossed  over  his  breast,  and  looks  back 
at  the  aedicula  with  "great  eyes".  The  fact  that  we  have  in  this 
picture  the  tomb  and  the  mummy,  the  prototype  of  all  later 
forms,  as  well  as  the  group  nearby,  makes  it  reasonably  certain 
that  it  is  the  Resurrection  of  Lazarus  that  is  portrayed.  These 
elements  are  invariable  in  the  later  representations,  so  it  is  un- 
doubtedly correct  to  see  in  this  fresco  the  first  existing  form 
of  the  theme,  and  the  origin  of  the  type  of  the  later  paintings. 

This  painting  is  extraordinary,  then,  in  the  following  respects : 

(a)   Christ  is  omitted. 

^Fractio,  p.  4.  For  this  "continuous"  method  of  representation,  which 
arose  in  Roman  Art  toward  the  end  of  the  first  century,  cf.  Wickhofif : 
Roman  Art  (trans,  by  Mrs.  Strong),  passim. 


28  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

(b)  Lazarus  is  painted  twice. 

(c)  Mary  is  prominent. ^^ 

In  this  picture,  above  all  others  of  the  series,  the  fact  is 
evident  that  no  one  had  attempted  to  restrain  the  artist  in  his 
imagination.  No  canon  for  the  theme  had  been  suggested  and 
accepted.  No  sketches  had  been  given  to  the  artist  for  him 
to  copy  with  what  care  he  could.  If  the  clergy  did  have  the 
chief  voice  in  deciding  these  canons,  as  Wilpert  thinks,  they 
had  made  no  ruling  when  this  picture  was  painted.  If  later 
paintings  were  more  or  less  faithful  reproductions  from  an  official 
sketch-book,  the  book  had  not  been  composed  at  the  time  of  the 
Greek  Chapel  frescoes.  This  one  picture  allows  the  affirmation 
that  it,  and  the  series  to  which  it  belongs,  must  be  regarded  as 
being  among  the  very  first  in  all  the  long  list  of  catacomb  paint- 
ings. Wherefore  we  are  allowed  to  strengthen  our  position  on 
the  early  date  of  the  Greek  Chapel  by  applying  to  it  all  the 
force  of  the  subsidiary  and  plentiful  evidence  as  to  the  early 
origin  of  the  Christian  catacombs  of  Rome.^*  The  catacombs 
originated  in  the  first  century,  and  this  painting  is  one  of  the  first 
that  covered  their  walls. ^^ 

lo.  Christ  is  not  painted  in  this  chapel.  This  is  an  undoubted 
sign  of  early  date. 

Christ  is  always  painted  in  the  subsequent  pictures  of  the 
Raising  of  Lazarus  and  of  the  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.  Some- 
times He  appears  with  the  Three  Hebrew  Children  in  the  furnace 
at  Babylon.  This  fact  is  exceedingly  significant  in  the  matter 
of  date.     The  early  Christians  were  extremely  reluctant  to  por- 

^^  Mary,  or  one  of  the  sisters  is  indeed  painted  in  the  second  picture 
of  the  series  (PI.  Ilia),  Mai.,  PL  19-1  i/2lIPraet.,  in  the  Johannine  crypt. 
One  of  the  sisters  was  also  probably  painted  in  the  third  of  the  series,  in 
the  Sacr.  Cap.  A2  in  the  catacomb  of  Callixtus  2/2II  (PL  VIIIc),  MaL, 
PL  39-1. 

**  The  detail  of  this  evidence  forms  a  work  in  itself  which,  naturally, 
does  not  concern  the  present  investigation. 

^  A  confirmatory  bit  of  evidence  on  the  unique  treatrrent  of  this  picture 
is  the  fact  that  Lazarus  is  painted  in  white.  I.  e.,  he,  being  resurrected 
from  the  dead,  possesses  some  of  the  nature  of  a  heavenly  being,  and  so 
is  appropriately  robed  in  white. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  29 

tray  the  form  and  features  of  their  divine  Lord.  But  it  is 
possible  to  trace  the  development  of  the  Christ-type  from  the 
decline  of  this  hesitation,  and  to  indicate  how  this  hesitation  wore 
away  as  time  went  on. 

In  the  paintings  dating  before  the  Greek  Chapel,  that  is  in 
the  pictures  in  the  Flavian  section  of  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla, 
there  is  no  material  left  for  consideration,  since  the  only  Bib- 
lical themes  are  Noah  and  Daniel  among  the  Lions,  and  the  Good 
Shepherd.  There  was  no  difficulty  about  the  Good  Shepherd,  for 
He  was  idealized  from  the  very  beginning  into  the  comely 
shepherd  boy,  quite  similar  in  type  to  the  pagan  Hermes  Crio- 
phoros. 

But  in  the  very  next  series  of  pictures  Christ  is  portrayed, 
though  ideally.  In  the  Johannine  crypt  in  the  catacomb  of  Prae- 
textatus  on  the  Via  Appia,  across  the  road  from  the  catacomb 
of  Callixtus,  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  is  again  treated,  but  there 
Christ  appears,  also  in  a  painting  of  His  conversation  with  the 
woman  of  Samaria,  and  in  all  succeeding  paintings  of  these 
themes,  or  in  any  others  in  which  He  would  naturally  appear. 
But  these  representations  are  all  ideal.  There  is  positively  no 
attempt  at  portraiture  that  may  be  regarded  seriously  as  such 
for  several  centuries.  In  the  fourth  century  in  catacomb  frescoes 
all  feeling  of  hesitation  at  painting  the  glorified  Christ  disap- 
pears. There  are  numerous  paintings  of  Christ  in  the  midst  of 
apostles  or  saints  or  in  scenes  of  judgment,  but  all  in  His  state 
of  glorious  exaltation.  These  paintings  were  influenced  largely 
by  the  Apocalypse.  But  never,  in  the  catacomb  period  proper, 
did  the  Christian  artist  get  over  his  repugnance  to  depicting  the 
crucifixion  or  passion  of  Christ.  There  is  only  one  painting 
of  the  crucifixion  in  all  the  catacombs,  and  it  is  a  fragment.  It 
is  a  seventh  century  fresco  in  the  catacomb  of  St.  Valentine.^" 

From  the  above  sketch  the  position  of  the  Greek  Chapel  series 

^^  Marucchi :  La  cripta  sepolcrale  di  S.  Valentino  sulla  Via  Flaniinia. 
The  nearest  approach  to  any  representation  of  a  scene  of  the  passion  is 
in  the  fourth  century  theme  of  Peter's  Denial.  Mai,  PI.  242-1  2/2lVCyr. 
Here  also  are  to  be  remembered  several  sarcophagi  of  the  fourth  century 
and  later,  in  which  the  passion  is  treated  in  part.  Cf.  Garrucci :  Storia, 
PI.    350,   351. 


30  St.  Joints  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

is  evident.  Christ  was  not  even  represented  ideally  (unless  we 
accept  Wilpert's  conjecture  that  the  Baptism,  presumably  the 
baptism  of  Christ  in  the  Jordan,  was  depicted  in  the  destroyed 
ceiling  of  the  nave).  It  is  true  that  the  Infant  Jesus  is  repre- 
sented on  the  lap  of  His  mother,  but  the  picture  can  hardly 
be  said  to  bear  upon  the  question.  In  this  chapel  we  have  to  do 
with  a  period  before  the  artists  could  bring  themselves  to  paint 
Christ  in  any  form,  either  ideally  or  realistically  (utterly  exclud- 
ing the  idea  of  portraiture),  even  in  scenes  where  He  naturally 
belongs.  They  wanted  to  avoid  all  necessity  of  painting  a  form 
that  would  supposedly  bear  the  sacred  features.  Later  artists 
compromised  in  the  theme  of  Lazarus,  and  all  others  in  which 
Christ  belongs,  by  painting  the  form,  but  with  capriciously 
changed  features,  so  that  their  ideal  character  was  manifest. 
Only  when  the  Apocalyptic  cycle  arose  was  realistic  portraiture 
attempted,  and  then  it  was  too  late  for  it  to  claim  authenticity. 
A  strong  inference  for  the  early  date  of  the  Greek  Chapel  is 
accordingly  to  be  drawn  from  these  facts,  which  emphasize  its 
priority  in  Catacomb  Art. 

II.  The  garments  depicted  in  this  chapel  indicate  an  early  date. 

It  is  possible  to  trace  changes  in  styles  in  costume  of  the 
Roman  citizen,  and  in  the  pictures  tmder  consideration  we  find 
styles  that  belong  to  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century  and  to 
the  first  half  of  the  second.  Thus,  the  tunics  of  the  men  are 
sleeveless  or  with  short  sleeves.  The  toga  by  that  time  was  not 
worn  except  by  official  personages  or  on  official  occasions,  so  it 
does  not  appear  at  all  in  the  chapel.  But  the  pallium,  or  outer 
garment  worn  by  all  classes,  is  in  correct  style  both  for  men  and 
women.  With  the  latter  it  falls  exactly  to  their  feet,  and  in  the 
proper  folds,  not  in  the  careless  usage  of  a  later  day.  The  pro- 
phet who  points  to  the  Hebrew  children  in  the  furnace,  as  well  as 
the  man  on  the  console  in  the  vault  of  the  presbytery,  are  in 
especially  graceful  and  attractive  mode.  The  end  of  their  gar- 
ment is  gathered  and  folded  gracefully  over  their  left  arms.  Sus- 
annah might  have  appeared  in  the  very  best  society  of  the  late 
first  century,  or  even  at  Trajan's  court,  as  far  as  her  dress  is  con- 
cerned.   Indeed,  a  specific  instance  of  good  classic  usage  appears 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  31 

in  the  costume  of  Susannah.  As  a  Roman  matron  appearing  in 
public,  she  has  her  palla  arranged  so  that  it  covers  her  head, 
acting  as  a  hood.  The  face  is  not  concealed,  but  the  palla  falls 
over  the  sides  and  back  of  her  head.  Instances  in  first  century 
statues  are  very  numerous.  They  are  rare  in  the  catacombs, 
and  do  not  extend  beyond  the  second  century,  though  two  in- 
stances are  found  in  the  third.  One,  on  a  female  orant,  is  found 
in  the  same  catacomb,  beside  the  painting  of  the  Madonna  of  the 
Prophet.^" 

Not  only  is  the  above  true,  but  in  addition  to  this  we  observe 
a  noticeable  absence  of  the  barbarous  styles  of  the  succeeding  age, 
when  the  dalmatic  was  introduced  into  Rome,  with  its  long 
wide  sleeves,  rather  like  a  kimona,  as  well  as  extensive  capes 
and  mantles.  It  seemed  as  if  such  things  marked  a  demand  for 
greater  comfort,  and  a  corresponding  decline  in  civilization.  It 
is  to  be  noted,  finally,  that  the  only  decorations  on  the  garments 
painted  in  this  chapel  are  the  clavi,  or  purple  stripes  that  fall 
in  straight  lines  from  the  shoulder.  None  of  the  pecviliar  mark- 
ings on  the  corners  of  garments  of  a  later  age  appear,  such 
as  crosses,  letters  and  signs. 

The  styles  of  clothing  in  this  chapel  are  what  we  should  expect 
to  see  at  the  period  suggested,  and  are  so  consistently  so  that 
they  constitute  strong  evidence  therefor. 

12.  The  style  of  hair-dressing  offers  a  specific  date. 

Up  to  the  time  of  Hadrian  beards  were  not  fashionable  in 
Rome.^^  They  had  been  considered  a  distinctive  mark  of  the 
philosopher,  or  of  a  man  in  mourning.  Hadrian  (i  17-138)  intro- 
duced into  Rome  the  style  of  wearing  beards,  and  his  successors 
followed  him  as  a  rule.  His  subjects  quickly  took  up  the  style, 
though  it  never  became  absolute.  Many  doubtless  clung  to  the 
manners  of  their  fathers,  and  both  styles  existed  side  by  side, 
just  as  at  present.  Beards  were  recommended  to  Christians  gen- 
erally by  Clement  of  Alexandria'^  on  the  ground  that  they  added 
dignity  and  sobriety  to  a  man's  appearance.    It  would  seem,  then, 

''Mai.,  PL  21  1/2IIP.     Cf.  also  Mai.,  PI.  25  1/2IIL,  96  2/2IIIP&M. 
'*  Cf .  Marquardt :     Privatleben  der  R'dmer,  II  p.  582  ff. 
^^  Paedag.,  3:11. 


32  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

as  if  in  the  late  second  century  the  custom  of  beards  was  general. 
Even  in  the  first  century  many  men  of  the  lower  orders  of  society 
did  not  shave  the  beard.  Especially  in  the  Christian  community 
of  Rome  might  we  expect  to  find  bearded  men  in  numbers,  for 
most  of  them  were  foreigners,  men  of  Hellenistic  birth  and  civil- 
ization, with  whom  beards  were  always  popular.  The  Jewish 
members  of  the  Christian  community  would  also  prefer  their 
ancestral  beards. 

The  frescoes  in  the  Greek  Chapel  are  indeed  badly  damaged, 
but  in  the  paintings  not  decidedly  symbolic  the  faces  are  bare. 
This  is  the  case  in  the  group  at  the  table  of  the  Breaking  of 
Bread.  Only  the  venerable  man  at  the  end  has  a  beard.*"  It  is 
particularly  noticeable  in  the  portrait  head  above  the  door  on  the 
entrance  wall.*^  Abraham  and  Moses  have  beards,  and  they,  as 
well  as  Old  Testament  patriarchs  and  prophets,  are  given  beards 
generally  in  later  pictures,  because  they  were  regarded  by  the 
Church  as  true  philosophers,  inasmuch  as  the  philosophy  which 
they  had  presented  was  by  far  better  than  the  wisest  reasonings 
of  Socrates,  Plato,  and  all  the  Greek  Schools.  Justin  Martyr 
insisted  that  the  best  thoughts  in  Greek  philosophy  were  culled 
directly  from  the  Old  Testament.*-  Exceptions  in  the  list  of  pa- 
triarchs and  prophets  were  Noah,  Job,  Daniel  between  the  lions, 
Jonah,  the  three  Hebrew  children,  etc.,  all  of  whom  symbolized  in 
more  or  less  degree  the  deceased,  now  in  a  state  of  release  from 
troubles  and  every  cause  for  mourning.*^ 

It  is  indeed  true  that  unbearded  faces  greet  us  in  catacomb 
paintings  thoughout  the  first  three  centuries.  But  aside  from 
those  who  are  ideally  youthful  such  as  the  Good  Shepherd,  they 
are  usually  orants  or  the  characters  above-mentioned  who  sym- 
bolize the  happy  deceased.  The  orant  is  a  theme  in  Art  not  well 
understood,  but  there  are  undoubted  instances  of  bearded  orants.** 

^Pl.  lb.     Cf.  Fractio.  PI.   XIII-XIV;   Mai.,   PI.   15-1. 

^Mal.,  PI.  13. 

■"  Cf.  numerous  declarations  in  his  Apology  (59),  Address  to  the  Greelis, 
9,  10,  20,  26,  28-33,  etc. 

*^In  this  chapel  cf.  Mai.,  PI.  13&16. 

**  One  of  the  first  orants  in  the  series  is  bearded.  It  is  in  connection 
with  the  Madonna  of  the  Prophet,  Mai,  PI.  21   1/2IIP. 


Plate    V.     From    Wilpert's    Malereien. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  33 

The  other  cases  where  unbearded  faces  occur  are  in  pictures 
symboHcal  of  the  Eucharist,  as  in  the  Breaking  of  Bread.  It 
may  be  that  they  have  carried  down  this  feature  also  from  the 
first  one  in  the  series.  The  significance  of  the  fact  that  non-sym- 
boHc  men  are  without  beards  in  this  series  of  pictures  cannot  be 
denied.  In  addition  to  offering  a  strong  comment  on  the  Roman 
quahty  of  the  early  church  of  the  city,  it  indicates  that  these 
paintings  are  early,  and  while,  in  itself,  it  is  not  enough  to  prove 
that  they  were  painted  before  the  days  of  Hadrian,  it  permits  a 
strong  inference  that  they  were. 

When  we  consider  the  feminine  styles  of  hair  dressing,  Wilpert 
claims  exact  dates.  He  studied  the  paintings  under  the  best 
possible  conditions,  and  in  the  instances  of  the  Madonna  and 
the  woman  in  the  scene  of  the  Breaking  of  Bread  he  says  that 
their  hair  was  combed  up  smooth  behind  from  the  neck  and 
gathered  into  an  artistic  knot  on  the  top  of  the  head,*^  after  the 
style  afifected  by  Marciana,  the  sister  of  Trajan,  who  died  in  115 
probably,  and  her  daughter,  Matidia,  who  was  the  mother  of  Sa- 
bina,  the  wife  of  Hadrian,  and  married  him  possibly  about  100 
A.  D.,  that  is,  during  the  life  time  of  Trajan  (98-117).  From 
coins  of  these  ladies  it  appears  that  their  hair  was  put  up  in 
this  way,  though  more  elaborately  than  seems  to  be  the  case  in 
the  frescoes  of  the  Greek  Chapel.  Here,  therefore,  is  a  date 
with  which  the  paintings  of  the  chapel  may  actually  be  connected. 
They  may  be  dated  specifically  in  the  reigns  of  Trajan  or  Hadrian 
at  the  latest.^^ 

""Fractio,  PI.  XIII-XIV  &  VII;  Mai,  PI.  15-1. 

*"  In  the  case  of  Susannah  and  Martha,  the  other  woman  in  the  chapel, 
it  is  impossible  to  determine  about  their  hair.  They  are  so  badly  damaged, 
and  besides,  they  are  veiled,  their  hair  being  thus  concealed.  Wilpert's  argu- 
ment is  as  follows  :  {Fractio,  p.  27)  "Sie  (Mary)  ist  en  face  gemalt,  ihr 
Haupt  unverschleiert,  und  die  Haartracht  gleicht  derjenigen  einiger 
Kaiserinnen  aus  der  ersten  Halfte  des  2.  Jahrhunderts,  was  fiir  die 
Datirung  der  Gemalde  der  Krypta  kein  unwesentlicher  Factor  ist."  (p.31) 
"Wir  bemerkten  zunachst,  dass  die  Haartracht  der  beiden  Frauengestalten 
in  manchem  an  diejenige  der  Kaiserinnen  aus  der  ersten  Halfte  des  2. 
Jahrhunderts,  namentlich  an  Sabina,  die  Gemahlin  Hadrians,  und  an 
die  Schwester  Trajans,  Marciana,  mit  deren  Tochter  Matidia  erinnert. 
Die  Aehnlichkeit  ist  keine  vollstandige ;  das  Gemeinsame  beider  Haartrach- 


34  St-  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

13.  The  painting  of  the  Breaking  of  Bread  illustrates  a  techni- 
cal phrase  that  goes  back  to  apostolic  days. 
In  all  of  the  accounts  of  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist  it  is 
said  that  Jesus  broke  bread  and  gave  it  to  the  disciples.  "And 
as  they  were  eating,  Jesus  took  bread,  and  blessed  it,  and  brake 
it,  and  gave  it  to  the  disciples,  and  said,  Take,  eat ;  this  is  my 
body."'*^  In  all  the  instances  of  the  miraculous  feeding  of  the 
multitudes  it  is  stated  that  Jesus  blessed  and  brake  the  loaves,  or 
gave  thanks  and  distributed  the  loaves.*^  When  Jesus  appeared 
to  the  disciples  on  the  sea  of  Tiberias  after  His  resurrection,  and 
the  seven  disciples  drew  the  ship  to  land,  "Jesus  then  cometh,"  we 
are  told,  "and  taketh  bread,  and  giveth  them,  and  fish  likewise."*® 
At  the  village  of  Emmaus  two  disciples  saw  their  risen  Christ 
when  He  "took  bread,  and  blessed  it,  and  brake,  and  gave  to 
them,"  and  reported  to  the  others  at  Jerusalem  "how  he  was 
known  of  them  in  breaking  of  bread. "^°  Of  the  early  converts 
in  Jerusalem  we  are  told  that  they  "continued  steadfastly  in  the 
apostles'  doctrine  and  fellowship,  and  in  breaking  of  bread,  and 
in  prayers". ^^  Before  setting  out  on  his  final  journey  to  Jerusa- 
lem, the  apostle  Paul  tarried  seven  days  in  Troas  :  "And  upon 
the  first  day  of  the  week,  when  the  disciples  came  together  to 
break  bread,  Paul  preached  unto  them,  ready  to  depart  on  the 
morrow,  and  continued  his  speech  until  midnight. "®- 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  fresco  of  the  Fractio  Panis 
figures  a  miracle  of  the  multiplication  of  loaves  (seven  baskets 
of  loaves  are  disposed  in  the  scene),  and  that  it  is  an  eucharistic 
symbol.  The  argument  for  this  will  be  presented  in  more  de- 
ten  besteht  darin,  dass  die  Haare  hinten  glatt  heraufgekammt  und  auf 
dem  Scheitel  zu  einem  zierlich  geformten  Wulst  zusammengelegt  sind. 
Hierdurch  unterscheidet  sie  sich  wesentlich  von  jener  der  spatern  Kaiser- 
innen,  bei  denen  die  Haare  in  der  Mitte  gescheitelt  und  iiber  die  Schlafen 
zum  Hinterkopf  gefiihrt  werden,  wo  sie  einen  Wulst  bilden.  So  zuerst 
bei  der  jiingern  Faustina,  der  Gemahlin  Marc  Aurels."  Cf.  also  in  Pit- 
ture.  p.  gSf.  and  p.  122. 

*' Mt.  26:26.     Cf.  Mk.  14:22,  Lk.  22:19,  I  Cor.  11:23,  24. 

^'Mt.  14:  19;  15:  36,  Mk.  6:41 ;  8:6,  Lk.  9: 16,  Jn.  6:  11. 

*'Jn-  21 :  13. 

''Lk.  24:30,  31,  35. 

"Acts  2:42. 

"  Acts  20  :  7. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  35 

tail  later.  It  is  enough  for  the  present  purpose  to  state  that 
from  a  complete  series  of  early  paintings  in  the  catacombs, 
headed  by  the  Fractio  Panis,  it  is  evident  that  the  mutliplication 
of  loaves  and  fishes  symbolized  the  Eucharist.  This  is  exactly 
what  we  see  in  the  picture  of  our  chapel.  In  the  first  century  we 
know  that  the  Eucharist  and  the  Agape,  or  love  feast,  were 
scarcely  distinguished,  so  it  is  possible  that  the  realism  in  the 
painting  is  derived  from  the  Agape  feast. ^^  A  part  of  this 
symbolism  consisted  in  the  fact  that  in  the  multiplication  of 
loaves  Jesus  took  the  loaves  and  gave  thanks,  blessed  them,  and 
brake  them,  and  gave  them  to  the  disciples,  just  as  at  the  occa- 
sion of  the  institution  of  the  Eucharist.  The  action  of  breaking 
the  loaves  was  significant.  So  when  we  see  the  Breaking  of 
Bread  manifestly  treated  in  this  painting,  and  not  in  later 
paintings  (at  least  not  in  the  same  way),  we  are  justified  in 
concluding  that  we  have  to  do  with  a  time  when  the  phrase 
was  technical,  and  in  common  use  as  referring  to  the  Agape- 
Eucharist  feast.  We  are  therefore  taken  directly  to  apostolic 
days  in  seeking  a  date  for  the  picture. 

14.  The  location  of  the  chapel  in  the  catacomb  is  ipso  facto 
evidence  for  its  early  date. 

An  exceedingly  weighty  argument  for  the  early  date  of  the 
Greek  Chapel  is  to  be  found  in  its  location  in  the  catacomb,  and 
in  the  evidence  to  be  had  from  the  nearby  galleries. 

(a)   The  chapel  is  located  in  the  primitive  section  of  the  cata- 

^'  Cf.  Leclercq  in  Cabrol's  Dictionnaire  d'Archeologie  Chretienne  et  de 
Liiurgie,  art.  "Agape,"  torn.  I,  p.  801.  "De  la  fresque  que  nous  etudions 
(i.  e.,  the  Fractio  Panis)  nous  devons  conclure  1°  qu'a  Rome,  au  II* 
siecle,  I'idee  d'un  repas  etait  etroitement  associee  a  I'idee  de  la  cel- 
ebration de  I'eucharistie;  2°  que  les  personnages  couches  sur  notre  fresque, 
ne  pouvant  faire  la  communion  en  cette  posture,  representent  les  con- 
vives celebrant  le  repas  de  I'agape  preside,  ainsi  que  I'exige  saint  Ignace 
d'Antioche,  par  I'eveque  a  qui  il  appartient  de  faire  aussi  I'eucharistie ; 
3°  que,  vers  le  temps  011  la  fresque  fut  faite,  la  celebration  de  I'eucharistie 
etait  jointe  a  I'agape  et  I'une  et  I'autre  etaient  figurees  par  le  miracle - 
de  la  multiplication  des  pains  dont  le  symbolisme  nous  permet  seul  de 
reconnaitre  ici  une  agape  suivie  de  I'eucharistie  au  lien  d'un  simple- 
banquet  funebre."  Cabrol  gives  a  reproduction  of  the  fresco  rather- 
clearer  than  in  Wilpert's  publications  (p.  799,  800). 


36  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

comb,  which  is  one  of  the  very  oldest  in  Rome.'"'*  It  is  at  the 
very  beginning  of  the  catacomb,  of  its  complex  arrangement  of 
galleries.  Its  doorway  opens  into  an  "atrium",  into  which  the 
original   stairway    from   the   surface   level   descends. ^^ 

The  entrance  to  a  catacomb  was  sometimes  a  formal  archi- 
tectural doorway  upon  the  public  road,  which  opened  into  a 
vestibule  from  which  a  leading  gallery  ran  back  into  the  hill 
side,^**  or  from  which  stairs  descended  to  the  level  of  the  gal- 
leries of  the  first  piano.  Sometimes  a  tomb  or  a  building  on 
the  area  above  ground  constituted  the  entrance,  from  which 
stairs  descended  to  the  first  level. •'^'     So  it  is  in  the  catacomb 


"  It  is  antedated  possibly  by  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla  on  the  Via 
Ardeatrna,  and  by  the  cemetery  of  St.  Paul  (or  Lucina)  on  the  Via 
Ostiensis,  and  by  that  of  the  Vatican,  supposing  that  SS.  Paul  and  Peter 
were  interred  in  them  respectively.  More  probably  they  are  of  identical 
period  in  origin,  being  the  result  of  the  first  impulse  towards  catacomb 
construction  in  the  Roman  church. 

"  This  atrium  was  known  to  early  mediaeval  pilgrims  as  the  spelunca, 
or  grotto,  because  of  its  size.  Whatever  saints  and  martyrs  had  been 
interred  in  it  during  the  period  under  consideration,  such  as  Prisca, 
Aquila,  Pudens,  Praxedis,  Pudentiana,  etc.,  were  eclipsed  at  this  time 
by  the  glories  of  the  martyrs  of  the  Diocletian  persecution,  and  by  the 
series  of  powerful  bishops  who  started  the  Church  on  her  career  of 
earthly  empire  and  influence,  several  of  whom  were  buried  in  this  cata- 
comb. The  route  of  these  pilgrims  in  visiting  the  sacred  shrines  in  the 
catacomb  seems  to  be  reverse  of  that  of  the  early  Christians  in  con- 
structing it.  The  stairs  leading  into  the  atrium,  and  to  the  surrounding 
primitive  section,  were  the  stairs  by  which  pilgrims  sought  the  open  air. 
According  to  their  guide-books  and  itineraries  they  first  visited  the 
church  of  St.  Sylvester,  above  ground,  situated  some  little  distance 
away.  Here,  and  in  its  neighborhood  they  venerated  the  remains  of  the 
bishops  Marcellinus  (though  see  later  on  Marcellinus),  Marcellus,  Celest- 
inus,  Siricius,  Liberius,  etc.  They  descended  to  the  catacomb  by  a  stair- 
way in  the  church  itself,  and  after  wanderings  came  to  the  spelunca,  and 
visited  last  of  all  a  room  at  the  end  whence  they  turned  to  go  out.  It 
was  accordingly  described  as  the  cubiculum  "quando  exeas." 

"'  As  in  the  case  of  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla. 

^  It  cannot  be  too  much  emphasized,  in  view  of  popular  misconceptions 
(Cf.  Myers,  A  History  of  Rome,  p.  152),  that  the  catacombs  were  not 
constructed  for  purposes  of  concealment  in  times  of  persecution.  From 
the  above  it  is  clear  that  there  was  no  attempt  made  to  disguise  or  ob- 
scure the  entrances.  Any  person  who  passed  along  the  road  might  know 
of  them. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  37 

of  Priscilla.  As  one  stepped  forth  from  the  last  stair  he  found 
himself  in  a  long  narrow  room  (3.72m  x  13.74m),  generally  desig- 
nated the  "atrium".  Directly  opposite  four  rooms  open  out, 
of  which  the  last  one  to  the  left  is  the  Greek  Chapel.  From  the 
end  to  the  right  one  room,  with  three  arcosolium  tombs,  extends, 
which  is  usually  admitted  to  be  of  later  construction.  To  the 
right  of  the  stairs  two  rooms  open  out,  and  at  the  left  is  an  arched 
niche  and  the  entrance  to  a  small  chamber.  In  the  left  end 
wall,  beside  the  Greek  Chapel,  a  doorway  opens  into  a  piscina, 
the  fountain  of  which  was  enclosed  by  a  cement  basin,  which 
may  have  been  covered  by  a  wooden  lid. 

Of  the  four  room's  opposite  the  stairs  the  end  one  to  the 
right  was  extended  into  a  wide  gallery  (into  which  the  modern 
entrance  gallery  opens),  from  which  a  series  of  rooms  and  gal- 
leries branches  out.  Many  of  these  are  in  a  state  of  ruin,  but 
a  gallery  that  runs  back  of  the  apse  of  the  Greek  Chapel  is 
important.  It  is  older  than  the  chapel  itself,  as  is  shown  from  the 
fact  that  the  apse  of  the  chapel  broke  into  its  wall  and  destroyed 
stucco  on  the  same.  It  was  lighted  with  a  luuiinarinm ,  and  ad- 
vantage was  taken  of  this  in  the  chapel  by  constructing  a  small 
window  in  the  apse  wall.^^ 

This  gallery  is  important.  It  is  a  connecting  artery  with  a 
section  that  is  probably  of  equal  age  with  the  Greek  Chapel 
section.  It  leads  to  the  section  of  the  Acilian  family,  not  far 
away.  Indeed,  directly  back  from  the  apse  of  the  Greek  Chapel 
is  a  chamber  which  Marucchi  declares  is  a  nymphaeum  belong- 
ing to  the  villa  of  the  Acilian  family  above  ground.  It  is  a 
room,  the  roof  of  which  was  supported  by  a  column  in  the  center. 
The  base  of  the  column  is  still  in  position.  At  four  corners 
are  niches,  as  in  an  ordinary  nymphaeum.  Among  the  tiles  dis- 
covered in  the  walls  of  this  room  was  one  bearing  the  brick 
stamp, 

L  •  CORNELI  •  PVPVL 
EPICRATE 


^  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  stucco  in  this  gallery  is  of  two  strata, 
and  in  part  it  consists  of  imitation  opus  alexandrinum,  as  is  to  be  found 
in  the  Flavian  house  on  the  Palatine,  Fractio,  p.  40.  In  this  gallery  also 
are  to  be   found  the  two  oldest  instances  of  the  crux  gainmata. 


38  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

This  stamp  is  very  rare.  Marucchi  asserts  that  only  one  other 
exists,  having  been  discovered  near  the  catacomb  of  Thraso.  De 
Rossi  regarded  it  as  anterior  to  Augustus/''^ 

The  room  was  Hghted  by  an  extensive  luiniiiarium.,  which  is 
of  such  an  extraordinary  character  and  of  such  ihuminating 
effect  upon  the  white  walls  that  Marucchi  identifies  it  as  the  ciibi- 
cnlwn  claruni,  the  "well-lighted  chamber",  in  which  the  Liber 
Pontificalis  informs  us  the  bishop  Marcellinus  (d.  304)  was  in- 
terred by  the  deacon  Marcellus  after  his  martyrdom. ''°  This 
cubiculuni  clarum,  Marucchi  says,  was  a  nymphaeum  of  the 
villa,  which  the  Acilian  family,  after  conversion  to  Christianity, 
connected  with  the  catacomb,  or  rather  it  may  be  said  perhaps 
that  they  were  originators  of  the  catacomb.  It  may  be  that 
they  even  started  the  catacomb,  supposing  that  there  was  some 
relationship  between  them  and  the  family  of  Pudens,  for  whose 
mother  Priscilla  the  catacomb  is  said  to  be  named. 

It  had  long  been  suspected  from  the  language  in  which  Sue- 
tonius mentions  the  charge  laid  against  M.  Acilius  Glabrio,  who 
was  consul  with  Trajan  in  the  year  91,  and  on  which  he  was 
executed,  that  he  suffered  because  he  was  a  Christian.  He  was 
an  instigator  of  new  things,"^  molitor  rerum  novarum.  At  any 
rate  there  was  strong  reason  to  suspect  that  his  family  during 
the  second  and  third  centuries  was  Christian,  because  it  is  on 
the  ground  that  it  had  a  long  Christian  tradition  that  historians 
can  best  explain  the  rather  solitary  position  it  occupied  in  the 
fourth  century  among  the  ancient  and  aristocratic  families  of 
Rome  as  prominently  Christian.  It  was  not  with  much  surprise, 
therefore,  but  with  very  great  satisfaction  that  the  burial  chamber 
of  this  exceedingly  wealthy  and  influential  family  was  discovered 
not  far  from  the  Greek  Chapel  and  the  cubiculuni  clarum.^- 


^^  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1873,  pp.  50,  51;  1901,  pp.  295,  296;  1902,  p.  115; 
De  Rossi  :  Piante  di  Roma,  p.  20,  n.  3 ;  C.  I.  L.,  XV,  953.  Another 
stamp  of  the  end  of  the  second  century  was  also  found  there. 

^  Lib.  Pont.,  in  loc.  De  Rossi  had  located  this  chamber  in  the  Syl- 
vester   section   of   the   catacomb. 

*^  Suetonius  :  Domitian,  10,  12,  15.  Dion.  Class.:  Hist.,  LXVII,  13 
&  LXII,   13. 

*^De  Rossi  :     Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1888-9,  PP-  7-66,  103-133. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  39 

That  the  cubiculum  was  the  burial  chamber  of  a  family  of 
wealth  and  distinction  was  evident  at  once  from  the  fact  that  it 
was  adorned  with  marble  and  with  marble  columns.  It  contained 
sumptuous  sarcophagi,  and  the  slight  remains  of  fresco  in  the 
locality  are  of  the  very  earliest  period.  They  consist  only  of 
decorative  elements,  such  as  dolphins,  stars,  geometric  designs, 
and  peacocks  turned  towards  a  vase.  The  inscriptions,  how- 
ever, prove  the  ownership.  They  are  of  the  family  of  the 
Acilii  Glabriones,  and  of  collateral  lines,  as  the  Acilii  Veri, 
Acilii  Valerii,  and  Acilii  Rufini.  The  inscription  of  the  consul 
of  91  A.D.  has  not  been  found,  but  the  one  of  his  son  may 
exist  in, 

ACILIO  GLABRIONI 
FILIO 
The  Christian  faith  of  the  family  is  shown  by  an  early  Greek 
(i.  e.,  early  Christian  Greek)  inscription, 

KIAIOC   POY<}>INOC 
CHCHC   EN  OEOJ 

The  formula      ^170-35    €v  ^euJ    i^vivas  in  Deo)   is  very  early.     A 

third  century  inscription  is  of  some  importance, 

M  ACILIVS  •  V 

C  •  V  • 

PRISCILLA  •  C  •  F 

This  inscription,  taken  in  connection  with  a  graffito   (of  fourth 

century   probably),    not    far   away   in    the    "confession"    of   the 

basiHca  of  St.  Sylvester  at  a  place  which  another  graffito  names 

the  liniina  sanctorum,  and  which  speaks  of  a  blessed  lady  Priscilla, 

"domnae  Priscille  beate",  led  to  the  conjecture  that  the  Prisca 

or  Priscilla  of  the  New  Testament  narrative  might  have  been  a 

freedwoman  of  Priscilla  the  mother  of  Pudens,   for  whom  the 

catacomb    is    named,    it   being    included    in    the   conjecture   that 

Pudens  belonged  to  the  Acilian  family.     With  this  is  coupled  the 

conjecture  that  Aquila,  her  tent-maker  husband,  was  a  freedman 

of  Acilius   Glabrio,   his   name   being   derived,   Aquila,   Aquilius, 

Acilius.*'^ 


*^Acts  18:1-3,  18,  19,  26.     Rom.  16:3-5.     I  Cor.  16:19.     II  Tim.  4:19. 
Priscilla   (or  Prisca)   and  Aquila,  who  was  born  in  Pontus,  being  Jews, 


40  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

The  value  of  the  evidence  afforded  by  the  Acilian  section  of 
the  catacomb,  and  by  the  "cubicukim  clarum",  is  simply  collateral. 
It  tends  to  confirm  the  early  date  of  the  catacomb,  and  with  this 
agree  the  early  traditions  that  in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  were 
buried  not  only  Priscilla,  the  mother  of  Pudens,  as  well  as  Pudens 
himself  (II  Tim.  4  :2i),  but  also  his  daughters  Praxedis  and 
Pudentiana,  in  memory  of  whom  churches  were  erected  at  an 
early  date.*'* 

were  deported  from  Rome  under  Claudius.  They  came  to  Corinth,  and 
the  Apostle  Paul  lived  with  them  and  worked  with  them  there,  "for  by 
their  occupation  they  were  tentmakers".  When  Paul  then  went  to 
Ephesus  he  took  them  along.  Here  they  resided,  and  acted  as  teachers 
to  Apollos.  Here  they  may  have  conducted  a  "house-church".  Paul 
wrote  to  the  Corinthian  church,  "The  churches  of  Asia  salute  you. 
Aquila  and  Priscilla  salute  you  much  in  the  Lord,  with  the  church  that 
is  in  their  house",  I  Cor.  16:19.  It  is  certain  that  they  had  a  house 
church  in  Rome,  but  they  must  have  been  in  Ephesus  when  Paul  sufifered 
martyrdom  in  Rome,  judging  from  H  Tim.  4:  19.  In  order  to  make 
connection  with  Roman  tradition,  which  affirms  that  they  were  both 
interred  in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla,  though  no  archaeological  evidences 
of  their  tombs  remain,  it  is  necessary  to  suppose  that  they  returned  to 
Rome  some  time  after  the  death  of  Paul,  or  after  his  last  epistles, 
and  reestablished  the  "church  that  was  in  their  house".  And  this  is 
not  improbable  in  view  of  their  extensive  record  as  travellers,  and  be- 
cause old  home  ties  would  draw  them  back  to  Rome.  As  for  later 
traces  of  them  it  is  to  be  noted  that  Leo  IV  says  {Lib.  Pont.,  XLI)  that 
he  discovered  the  graves  of  Aquilinus,  Aquila  and  Prisca  in  the  catacomb 
of  Priscilla,  recognizing  them  by  inscriptions.  The  relics  were  sent  to 
Germany  in  837  with  the  express  statement  that  they  were  persons 
mentioned  in  Scripture  {Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1867,  p.  405).  li  the  above 
be  true,  they  must  have  been  overlooked  in  the  general  translation  of 
bones  of  eminent  martyrs  and  persons,  undertaken  by  various  Roman 
bishops  because  of  the  insecurity  of  their  catacomb  resting  places  during 
barbarian  invasions. 

°*  As  is  well  known,  the  tradition  that  finds  credence  in  Rome  to-day, 
with  sundry  variations  in  detail,  is  to  the  effect  that  Pudens  was  host 
in  Rome  not  only  to  Paul,  but  also  to  the  Apostle  Peter,  that  he  conse- 
quently founded  in  his  house  on  the  Esquiline  a  community  of  Christians, 
a  house-church,  just  as  Aquila  and  Priscilla  (or  Prisca)  had  done  (Rom. 
16:5)  on  the  Aventine.  His  house-church  was  named  both  for  himself, 
"titulus  Pudentis",  or  "ecclesia  Pudentiana",  surviving  in  S.  Pudenziana 
on  the  slopes  of  the  Viminal.  Also  the  one  not  far  away  on  the  Esquiline 
was  named  for  his  daughter  Praxedis.      (Cf.  the  mosaic  in  the  apse  of 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  41 

Returning  then  to  the  "atrium"  and  the  chambers  that  sur- 
round it,  there  are  found  to  be  several  indications  of  early  date 
that  are  noteworthy. 

And  first  of  all,  considering  again  the  Greek  Chapel  itself, 
its  peculiar  form  and  disposition  mark  it  as  early.  It  is  cross- 
shaped  in  plan,  and  has  every  indication  of  having  been  used 
for  religious  purposes.     It  contains  no  original  loculi  in  its  walls, 

Sta.  Pudentiana.)  Marucchi  says,  regarding  the  documentary  evidence, 
"Les  documents  qui  nous  fournissent  des  indications  sur  I'origine  de 
I'eglise  de  Ste  Pudentienne  sont,  les  recits  dits  de  Pasteur  et  de  Timothee, 
les  lettres  de  Pie  P"'  a  Juste  de  Vienne  et  le  Liber  pontificalis.  Les  deux 
premieres  classes  sont  apocryphes;  mais  nous  avons  plusieurs  motifs  de 
penser  qu'elles  continnent  un  fond  de  verite."  {Elements  d'Archeologie 
Chretienne,  III  p.  365.)  Both  these  churches  are  mentioned  in  inscriptions 
of  the  fourth  century  : 

MIRAE  •  INNOCENTIAE  ■  ADQ  •  EXIMIAE 
BONITATIS  ■  HIC  •  REQVIESCIT  •  LEOPARDVS 
LECTOR  •  DE  •  PVDENTIANA  •  QVI  •  VIXIT 
ANN  •  XXIIII  ■  DEE  •  VIII  •  KAL  ■  DEC  ■ 
RICOMEDE  •  ET  •  CLEARCO  •  CON  •  (year  384) 

In  the  catacomb  of  Hippolytus  is  an  inscription  mentioning  the  church 
of  S.  Prassede,  dated  an.  395  : 

HIC  REQVIESCIT  IN  PACE  ARGVRIVS  QVI  VIXit 

DEPS  SVB  D  III  NON  MAIS  CONS  PROVINIV  quem  locum 

compaRAVIT  FILIA  EIVS  FAVSTA  A  PRB  TIT  PRAXedis 

In  the  fourth  century  and  later  the  catacomb  of  Hippolytus  must  have 

been  a  favorite  one  for  persons  connected  with  these  two  churches.     In 

it  were  found  these  inscriptions  : 

LOCVS 
ROMVLI 
PRESBYTERI 
TITVLI   PVD 
enTIANAE 

+  HIC  REQVIESCIT  IN  PACE  HILARVS 
LICTOR  TT  PVDENTIS 
QVI   VIXIT   ANN   PLM   XXX 

DEP  VII  IDVS  IVL  PC  MAVORTI  V  C  (year  528) 
Since  1901  Marucchi  has  prominently  defended  the  connection  of  the 
Apostle  Peter  with  the  Roman  catacombs,  which  was  recognized  in 
antiquity.  Cf.  the  incident  of  Liberius  (3S2-366),  as  narrated  in  his 
Acts  :  "Constantius  iussit  eum  (i.  e.,  Liberius)  extra  civitatem  habitare; 
habitabit  autem   ab   urbe   Roma   milliario   tertio   quasi   exul   in   cymiterio 


42  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

by  which  fact  its  unique  and  primitive  character  is  emphasized. 
In  the  apse  are  to  be  found  traces  of  a  grave  which  was  of  size 
sufficient  to  contain  a  child  of  under  a  year  old,  but  which  may 
have  held  the  ashes  of  a  martyr  who  had  suffered  by  fire,  and 
which  would  account   for  the  evident  importance  of  the  crypt. 

Novellae  via  Salaria.  Veniens  autem  dies  Paschae,  vocavit  universos 
presbyteros  cives  romanos  et  diaconos  et  sedit  in  cymiterio."  There  he 
baptized  catechumens  and  called  to  mind  the  example  of  Peter  who  had 
baptized  in  the  neighboring  Ostrian  catacomb,  "Erat  enim  ibi  non  longe  a 
cymiterio  Novellae  cymiterium  Ostrianus,  ubi  Petrus  apostolus  baptizavit". 
In  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  in  the  Sylvester  section,  a  baptistry  has  been 
discovered,  partly  of  ancient  construction.  This  is  across  the  road  from 
the  catacomb  of  Novella,  and  Marucchi  argues  that  it  is  the  one  to  which 
the  tradition  of  Peter  clings.  His  argument  is  voluminous.  It  is  im- 
portant as  showing  that  there  was  an  early  tradition  that  may  connect 
Peter  with  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla.  All  of  which  tends  to  confirm  the 
extreme  antiquity  of  the  catacomb  of  which  the  Greek  Chapel  is  in  the 
earliest  part. 

Cf.  also  the  martyrologies,  itineraries,  etc.,  of  the  early  middle  ages, 
as  follows,  remembering  that  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  was  known  also 
to  pilgrims  under  the  name  of  Sylvester  :  Index  coemeteriorum  & 
Notitia  regionum,  "Coemeterium  Priscillae  ad  S.  Silvestrum  via  Salaria." 
Salzburg  Itinerary,  "Postea  ascendens  eadem  via  ad  S.  Silvestri  ecclesiam 
ibi  multitudo  sanctorum  pausat :  primum  Silvester  sanctus  papa  et  con- 
fessor et  ad  pedes  eius  S.  Syricius  papa  et  in  dextera  perte  Celestinus 
papa  et  Marcellus  episcopus ;  Philippus  et  Felix  martyres  et  multitudo 
sanctorum  sub  altare  maiore  et  in  spelunca  Crescentius  martyr  et  Fimitis 
pausat  in  cubiculo  quando  exeas  et  in  altera  S.  Potenciana  et  Praxedis." 
De  locis  Ss.  martyrum,  "luxta  eandem  viam  Salariam  S.  Silvester  re- 
quiescit,  et  alii  quamplurimi,  id  est  S.  Caelestinus,  S.  Potentiana,  S. 
Praxedis,  S.  Marcellus,  S.  Crescentianus,  S.  Maurus,  S.  Marcellinus, 
S.  Prisca,  S.  Paulus,  S.  Felicis  unus  de  septem  (i.  e.,  one  of  the  seven 
sons  of  Felicitas,  the  most  celebrated  martyr  under  Marcus  Aurelius), 
S.  Philippus  unus  de  septem,  S.  Semetrius,  et  in  una  sepultura  CCCLXIII." 
Itinerary  of  William  of  Malmeshury,  "Deinde  basilica  S.  Silvestri  ubi 
iacet  marmoreo  tumulo  coopertus  et  martyres  Caelestinus,  Philippus  et 
Felix  et  ibidem  martyres  CCCLXV  in  uno  sepulcro  requiescunt,  et  prope 
Paulus  et  Crescentianus,  Prisca  et  Semetrius,  Praxedis,  Potentiana 
(Pudentiana)  pausant."  Index  coemeteriorum  and  Mirabilia,  "Coemeter- 
ium fontis  S.  Petri  (?).  Coemeterium  Priscillae  ad  pontem  Salarium." 
The  tombs  of  some  of  these  persons  have  been  determined  archaeolog- 
ically.  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1901,  flf.  De  Rossi  :  Roma  Sotterrannea, 
PP.  176,  177- 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  43 

The  grave  occupied  the  prominent  place  in  the  chapel,  and  was 
of  such  construction  that  it  would  readily  serve  as  a  table  from 
which  to  distribute  the  eucharistic  feast.  It  is  well  known  that 
in  the  earliest  times  the  eucharistic  tables  were  called  altars,  and 
from  the  catacombs  came  the  idea  that  it  was  proper  that  under 
the  altar  should  be  placed  if  possible  the  remains  of  one  of  the 
martyrs  of  Christ.  This  idea  was  doubtless  fortified  by  Scrip- 
ture, "And  when  he  had  opened  the  fifth  seal,  I  saw  under  the 
altar  the  souls  of  them  that  were  slain  for  the  word  of  God, 
and  for  the  testimony  which  they  held,  etc."  Rev.  6  :  Qfif.  In 
the  Greek  Chapel  it  may  be  that  we  find  one  of  the  earliest  of 
these  grave-table-altars.  Along  one  side  of  the  chapel  extends 
a  bank,  under  which  are  loculi  graves,  which  served  also  as  a 
seat.  The  peculiar  form  and  arrangement  of  the  chapel  was 
never  repeated  in  later  times.  It  is  unique  in  the  catacombs  of 
Rome. 

In  the  "right  transept"  were  discovered  the  two  inscriptions 

in  Greek,  because  of  which  the  workmen,  or  "fossors"  so-called 

gave  to  it  the  name  "Greek  Chapel".    They  are  as  follows  : 

OBPIMOC    TTAAAAAIUJ 

TAYKYTATUJ    ANGYIUJ 

YNCXOAACTH    MNHMHC 

c   c      c 

XAPIN 

OBPIMOC  •  NGCTOPIANH 

MAKAPIA  rAYKYTATH 
CYNBIUU  MNHMHC  XAptv 
These  inscriptions,  from  their  simple  formulas  and  from  their 
palaeography  are  dated  in  the  second  half  of  the  second  century. 
This  date  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  they  are  written  in  red 
paint.  They  were  applied  on  the  white  stucco  of  the  niche, 
and  therefore  point  to  and  urge  a  date  by  some  years  earlier  for 
the  finishing  of  the  chapel  in  the  original  stucco.  The  suggestive- 
ness  of  this  fact  will  be  apparent  when  we  consider  the  group 
of  red-painted  inscriptions  in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla.  Suffice 
it  to  say  that  they  are  some  of  the  earliest  in  date  yet  discovered 
in  the  Roman   catacombs. 


44  ^f-  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Concerning  the  atrium  and  the  adjacent  chambers  it  may  be 
remarked  that  what  little  painting  remains  is  of  the  same  period 
as  the  Greek  Chapel.  The  same  rich  colors  and  delicate  shades 
are  used,  and  the  style  is  the  same  in  details.  In  a  niche  opposite 
the  chapel  the  Good  Shepherd  and  vine  decorations  have  been 
identified,  recalling  the  primitive  paintings  in  the  catacomb  of 
Domitilla. 

The  room  at  the  end  of  the  atrium  was  added  in  the  third 
century,  and  the  one  to  its  right  was  subjected  to  extensive 
restorations,  in  which  marble  replaced  stucco.  The  fact  that  a 
stand  for  oil  lamps  is  found  there  marks  it  as  a  place  of  im- 
portance, probably  containing  the  graves  of  martyrs.  Second 
century  inscriptions,  however,  were  discovered  in  the  room. 
They  are  in  Greek,  and  are  of  classic  brevity,  and  contain  names 
common  to  the  apostolic  church,  such  as  Lucius  and  Phoebe.''^ 
A  sarcophagus  of  the  style  recognized  as  earliest  in  Christian 
Art  was  also  found.  It  is  of  ordinary  classic  form,  both  sides 
have  strigil  decoration,  and  on  one  side  is  the  bust  of  a  woman 
with  tablet  for  inscription,  and  on  the  other  the  bust  of  a  man 
with  crossed  horns  of  plenty,  and  Genii  at  the  corners.  It  was 
placed  under  the  floor  and  so  had  no  inscriptions.  It  is  pagan 
in  form,  but  that  made  no  difference  for  Christian  use.  It 
rather  confirms  the  early  date  at  which  it  was  used  for  Christian 
burial,  as  it  was  doubtless  bought  in  a  pagan  shop  at  a  day 
when  Christian  styles  in  sarcophagi  had  not  as  yet  been  devised. 

One  of  the  most  satisfactory  of  the  indications  for  date  that 
we  have  in  the  atrium  consists  of  the  stamped  tiles  used  for 
covering  graves  in  the  floor.  Tiles  have  been  found  there  with 
stamps  of  the  reigns  of  M.  Aurelius  and  Commodus,  specifically 
of  the  years  159  and  164.  The  point  lies  in  the  fact  that  they 
were  used  for  graves  dug  in  the  floor  of  the  atrium.  Graves 
excavated  in  the  floor  are  the  last  resort.  They  come  after  the 
wall  spaces  assigned  for  the  loculi,  or  shelf  graves,  were  used 
up.  So  if  graves  of  the  second  and  third  quarters  of  the  second 
century  mark  the  last  period  before  new  cuhicnla  were  excavated, 

'*Rom.  16:21,  Acts  13:1,  Rom.  16:1,2.  The  praenomen  Aurelia  may 
mark  one  inscription  as  of  the  period  of  M.  Aurelius. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  45 

the  original  period  of  excavation  must  have  been  by  so  much 
earlier,  even  the  first  century.  (The  objection  usually  urged 
against  the  argument  for  determining  dates  from  stamped  bricks 
has  little  force  here.  It  is  true  that  tiles  were  used  over  again 
in  later  years,  as  in  the  Aurelian  wall  so-called,  in  which  bricVs 
of  all  dates  are  found  side  by  side.  But  this  was  more  character- 
istic of  later  periods,  when  buildings  of  earlier  construction  were 
rai:ed  and  the  materials  thus  obtained  made  use  of  a  second 
time.  It  is  not  valid  here,  because  tiles  of  later  dates  do  not 
appear.  Further,  the  economic  tendency  would  always  be  to  njt 
manufacture  new  bricks  until  old  stores  were  exhausted,  just  a> 
at  the  present  day.  So,  granting  that  a  few  years  might  have 
elapsed  after  manufacture  before  the  tiles  were  used,  they  could 
not  have  been  very  many.)"" 

(b)  The  early  date  of  the  Greek  Chapel  and  atrium  is  con- 
firmed by  the  evidence  afforded  by  galleries  in  adjacent  sections. 
This  evidence  is  largely  epigraphic. 

The  intimate  connection  of  the  Acilian  hypogeum  with  the 
Greek  Chapel  section  has  already  been  discussed.  An  extensive 
amount  of  confirmatory  evidence  is  also  afforded  by  the  arenarium 
section,"^  which  lies  back  of  the  piscina  beside  the  Greek  Chapel. 
Investigation  is  confined  to  the  first  piano,  the  second  being, 
from  that  very  fact,  later. 

Only  one  painting  of  importance  is  found  in  this  section.  It 
is  the  one  of  the  Madonna  of  the  Prophet,  already  noted. "^  In 
style  and  technique  it  compares  very  favorably  with  those  of  the 
Greek  Chapel,  and  is  regarded  by  some  as  fully  as  early.  Tlie 
painting  is  found  in  the  primitive  gallery  of  the  arenarium  section, 
the  gallery  in  which  niches  were  made  for  sarcophagi,  and  that 
led  from  the  stairs  of  entrance.     In  addition  to  this,  inscriptir.ns 

""Fractio,  p.   41. 

*^  The  arenarium  or  sand  pit  section  of  the  catacomb  is  worked  in 
pocollana,  instead  of  in  the  granular  tufa.  By  reason  of  this  fact  the 
ordinary  characteristics  of  an  arenarium  are  evident.  The  galleries  are 
broad  and  arched,  and  rounded.  They  describe  arcs,  and  appear  con- 
centric in  plan.  The  rounded  surface  marks  an  arenarium,  as  do  the 
square  corners  and  clean  cut  angles  the  ordinary  granular  tufa  cata- 
comb. 

•*Mal.,  PI.  22. 


46  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

containing  the  name  Ulpia,  belonging  to  the  Flavian  period,  were 
found  below  this  painting.  They  were  cut  in  marble  and  the 
letters  painted  in  red,  and  the  loculi  were  excavated  at  a  level 
lozver  than  the  original  floor,  hence  are  of  a  period  later  than  the 
painting,  the  inference  being  obvious.  The  painting  betrays  a 
boldness  of  touch  and  graceful  originality  altogether  lacking  in 
later  work.  It  exhibits  entire  freedom  from  restraint  of  traditi. n 
in  handling.  The  painter  worked  out  his  own  idea,  or  that  of 
the  men  by  whom  he  was  employed.  The  composition  is  alto- 
gether charming,  and  might  well  be  classed  with  Renaissance 
masterpieces  if  it  were  not  for  certain  technical  defects  which 
attach  it  to  the  classic  age,  such  as,  for  example,  the  dispro- 
portioned  figure  of  the  prophet.  Isaiah's  head  is  much  too  small 
for  his  elongated  body.*^^ 

The  chief  evidence  afforded  by  the  galleries  of  the  arenarium 
is  epigraphic,  as  remarked  above.  So  remarkable  are  the  in- 
scriptions pertaining  to  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  that  they  are 
recognized  as  being  in  a  class  by  themselves.  This  entire  class 
is  known  as  the  "Priscilla  type".  They  are  admittedly  among  the 
earliest  in  all  the  thousands  of  Christian  inscriptions.  They  are 
of  two  general  classes,  (i)  red-painted  tiles,  and  (2)  incised  in 
marble. 

(i)  The  terra  cotta  tiles  were  used  to  close  the  loculi  graves. 
Three  of  them  were  generally  sufficient.  They  were  fastened 
against  the  shelf-like  opening  with  cement,  and  this  mode  of 
closing,  along  with  the  precaution  of  interring  the  body  of  the 
deceased  in  lime,  made  the  galleries  reasonably  free  from  noxious 
gases.  Upon  the  exterior  surface  of  these  large  Roman  bricks, 
as  upon  marble  slabs  used  for  similar  purpose,  the  name  of  the 
deceased  or  some  designating  mark,  or  appropriate  sentiment  was 
inscribed.  Upon  the  bricks  they  were  painted  in  heavy  strokes 
with  a  generous  brush  in  paint  of  full  Roman  redness.  Such 
inscriptions  are  almost  unique  in  the  Roman  catacombs.  De 
Rossi  said  that  he  found  some  in  the  galleries  of  the  Flavian 


"  The  Madonna  and  Child  in  this  painting  have  frequently  been  com- 
pared with  Raphael's  Madonna  delta  Seggiola  in  Florence.  The  arrange- 
ment is  similar. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  47 

hypogeum,  the  primitive  section  of  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla/° 
Some  of  them  have  been  removed  from  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla 
and  may  be  inspected  in  the  Epigraphic  section  of  the  Christian 
Museum  at  the  Lateran,  (Sec.  XVIII)." 

In  style  of  calHgraphy  they  are  very  similar  to  the  election 
notices  so  numerous  in  the  streets  of  Pompeii.^-  In  content 
they  are  extremely  brief.  They  consist  usually  of  the  bare  name 
of  the  deceased,  often  of  the  single  name  by  which  he  was 
known  in  the  Christian  community,  which  in  some  cases  was  a 
baptismal  name.  Most  of  them  are  in  Greek,  as  is  the  case 
with  those  incised  in  marble.  Primitive  symbols  only  appear,  the 
anchor  and  the  palm  branch.  Some  graves  were  marked  in  no 
other  way,  only  with  the  painted  anchor  as  the  seal  of  their 
faith.  The  primitive  Christian  regarded  his  name  by  which  he 
was  known  in  the  world  as  of  no  importance.  In  most  of  the 
inscriptions,  however,  the  name  appears  as  a  matter  of  infor- 
mation for  surviving  relatives.  In  several  tiles  of  the  early  third 
century  the  fish  appears  as  an  isolated  symbol." 

These  painted  tiles  of  the  earliest  period  of  Christian  inscrip- 
tions were  used  undoubtedly  by  those  who  were  too  poor  to  afford 
marble  slabs.  They  exist  in  the  same  galleries  and  side  by  side 
with  marble  inscriptions  of  the  finest  cutting,  and  of  similar  age. 
All  this  illustrates  the  composite  character  of  the  Christian  com- 
munity. The  rich  and  the  poor  were  together  in  death  as  in 
life.  But  the  poor  man  was  doubtless  consoled  for  his  mean 
bricks  by  the  thought  that  the  need  of  them  would  be  but  brief. 
The  Christians  of  the  apostolic  age  and  later  confidently  expected 
the  end  of  all  things  and  the  resurrection  of  their  bodies  at  any 
day  in  the  immediate  future,  so  much  so  that  their  leaders  had 

''"Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1865,  p.  39.  They  are  very  few  in  number  and 
were  painted  in  black.     One  brick  bore  the  stamp  of  the  year  142. 

"Reproductions  appear  in  plates  of  the  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1880, 
1881,  1886,  1892,  also  in  Marucchi  :  Le  Catacombe  Romane,  p.  442  ff. 
The  Coemeterium  Maius  also  contains  some. 

"De  Rossi  notes  especially  Nos.  156  and  159  in  his  list  in  Bull,  di  Arch. 
Crist.,  1886. 

"On  the  fish  as  a  Christian  symbol  cf.  Prof.  C.  R.  Morey,  of  Prince- 
ton University,  in  the  Princeton  Theological  Review,  1910,  also  A.  J.  A., 
XIII,  pp.,  57,  58. 


48  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

to  warn  them  against  the  effects  of  idly  waiting  for  it  to  come 
upon  them.''*  Since  his  tomb  was  but  a  temporary  resting  place, 
why  should  a  man  adorn  it  elaborately  ?  It  certainly  was  not 
worthy  of  much  care  or  expense.  We  may  be  sure  that  those 
who  painted  the  red  inscriptions  never  expected  them  to  do 
service  unto  our  day,  and  would  probably  be  as  much  surprised 
as  we  at  their  brightness.  This  feeling  throughout  the  Church 
well  accounts  for  the  simplicity  of  the  earliest  inscriptions. 
(There  are  other  ways  of  determining  the  early  date  of  these  in- 
scriptions in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla,  to  be  discussed  directly. 
It  is  observed  that  they  are  brief  and  simple.  Hence  simplicity 
in  an  inscription  is  rightly  regarded  as  a  test  for  early  date.) 

The  distinct  advantage  of  these  painted  inscriptions  is  that 
they  can  be  dated  with  a  reasonable  degree  of  precision.  Many 
of  the  tiles  are  marked  with  brick  stamps.  Almost  all  are  of 
the  second  century,  and  among  them  we  find  the  exact  dates, 
no,  123,  147,  159,  164,  and  probably  of  the  first  century  also. 
It  is  true  that  several  have  been  found  of  the  third  century,  but 
they  are  accounted  for  when  we  consider  that  the  catacomb  was 
used  freely  during  the  first  four  centuries,  and  by  deepening  a 
gallery  it  was  possible  to  place  a  late  grave  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  earlier  ones.  These  third  century  tiles  in  gen- 
eral come  from  the  boundaries  of  recognized  later  sections,  and 
were  influenced  by  their  earlier  neighbors.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  repeat  what  has  been  said  above  as  to  the  value  of  brick 
stamps  as  evidence  for  date.  They  are  persuasive  evidence  of 
contemporary  date  when  found  in  the  galleries  of  the  catacomb 
of  Priscilla.  Especially  is  this  true  when  they  are  found  intact 
in  their  original  positions.  If  stamps  of  all  periods  were  found 
in  common  profusion  the  evidence  of  the  earliest  would  not  be 
so  valuable,  but  when  they  are  found  to  be  of  the  second  century 
predominantly,  the  situation  is  different,  and  argues  strongly  for 
the  dates  they  specify.  Here  as  elsewhere  the  ravages  of  the 
barbarian  invasions  are  to  be  greatly  deplored.^^  They  left  only 
a  part  of  all  the  things  that  fell  into  their  hands,  and  wrought 

'*I  Thes.  4:15-5:11,  II  Thes.  2:1-17,  H   Peter  3:1-13. 
''  De  Rossi  :    Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1880,  p.  37ff. 


Plate  VI.     From   Wilpert's   Malereiex. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  49 

special  execution  in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla,  notably  in  the 
Acilian  and  the  Greek  Chapel  sections.  But  enough  stamped 
tiles  have  come  down  to  us  to  permit  the  conclusion  that  if 
all  were  preserved  they  would  be  found  to  be  in  general  of  the 
same  dates  and  kind.'^'' 

(2)  These  painted-tile  inscriptions  are  enough  to  confirm  the 
date  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  second  century  for  the  primitive 
section  of  the  catacomb ;  and  to  allow  the  very  reasonable  deduc- 
tion that  the  galleries  were  constructed  even  in  the  first  century. 
But  in  addition  to  these  inscriptions  we  find  along  with  them  a 
series  of  epitaphs  incised  in  marble  slabs  with  cuttings  of  such 
fine  quality  that  they  are  recognized  as  being  in  a  class  by  them- 
selves. Many  of  them  had  the  incisions  colored  with  red  paint, 
which  adds  to  their  unique  value.  They  are  in  Greek  and  Latin 
indiscriminately.  In  either  case  the  style  of  calligraphy  marks 
them  as  second  century,  the  same  date  as  the  painted  tiles. '^^ 
DeRossi  published  the  series  of  all  the  inscriptions  of  the  primi- 
tive sections  of  the  catacomb.  These,  discovered  up  to  1892, 
numbered  370.'** 

This  style  of  calligraphy  is  so  distinctive  in  its  deep,  full  cutting, 
regularity,  well-rounded  curves  and  clear-cut  angles,  that  when 
one  is  familiar  with  it  he  speedily  is  able  to  discern  later  imita- 
tions, as  well  as  epitaphs  that  are  frankly  dififerent. 

The  inscriptions  that  are  composed  in  this  Priscilla  style  of 
writing  are  almost   as  distinctive   as   are  those   in  the   famous 


'*The  list  of  stamped  tiles  of  the  primitive  sections  of  the  catacomb 
is  given  in  De  Rossi's  publication  of  the  inscriptions  found  there.  They 
are  noted  in  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1886,  pp.  40,  58,  63,  68,  72,  74,  75,  79,  80, 

81,  83,  115,  120,  121,  142,  144,  159;  1887,  pp.  22,  113;  1892,  pp.  jz,  74; 

Marini:  Iscr.  Doliari  nn.  15,  74,  84,  109,  121,  122a,  172,  174,  177,  185,  188, 
190,  207,  214,  215,  218,  223,  245,  2Q7.  323  or  Z2,7,  5oS,  522,  524,  828  (?),  837, 
880,  923,  948,  ii9off.,  1214,  1389.  Cf.  also  in  part  C.I.L.,  XV,  I,  155,  163, 
164,  237,  37ia,b,  399,  4o8d,  762a,  764,  1622;  Supplementary  Papers  of  the 
American  School  of  Classical  Studies  in  Rome,  I,  Art.  "Stamps  on  Bricks 
and  Tiles  from  the  Aurelian  Wall  at  Rome",  nn.  16,  19,  20,  30,  52, 
53,  58,  61,  135,  137,  212. 

"  Not  all  are  of  this  period.  Some  are  fourth  century,  but  they  are 
accounted  for  in  the  same  manner  as  the  third  century  tiles. 

''^  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1886,  pp.  34-171;  1887,  109-117;  1892,  57-96, 
and  corresponding  plates. 


50  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

metrical  epitaphs  of  Damasus,  known  as  the  Damascene  or 
Philocalan  script.  Their  second  century  date  is  attested  by  the 
following  characteristics  : 

(  a  )  Simplicity.  They  are  scarcely  any  longer  than  are  those 
on  the  painted  tiles. 

(  /8  )  The  use  of  the  three  names,  praenomen,  nomen,  and  cog- 
nomen. 

(  y  )  The  presence  of  good  Roman  family  or  gentile  names 
commonly  found  in  the  first  and  second  centuries.  The 
chronological  order  ran  as  follows  :  Julius,  Antonius, 
Claudius,   Flavins,  Ulpius,  Aelius,  Aurelius. 

(  8  )  The  presence  of  names  found  in  the  Roman  church  in 
apostolic  days  and  mentioned  in  New  Testament  refer- 
ences to  Roman  Christians,  such  as  in  Rom.  i6,  Julia, 
Asyncritus,  Lucius,  Phoebe,  Claudia.  Here  also  may 
be  noted  the  significant  use  of  the  names  Peter  and 
Paul,  especially  TTETPOC  •  The  fact  that  Christians 
named  themselves  for  the  chief  apostles  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at.  This  is,  of  course,  more  significant  in 
the  case  of  Peter.  When  a  series  of  seven  inscriptions 
bearing  that  name  is  found  in  one  section  of  a  catacomb 
of  Rome,  and  they  are  of  early  date,  this  seems  to 
indicate  that  the  apostle  had  exerted  considerable  influence 
in  the  Roman  church,  an  influence  that  can  hardly  be 
proved  from  literary  sources.  The  use  of  Paul  is  to  be 
expected.  Besides,  it  is  common  enough  in  pagan  in- 
scriptions.'^^ 

(e  )  The  use  of  symbols  and  formulas  of  the  very  earliest 
period,  which  are  seldom  if  ever  used  later,  such  as  the 


"The  earliest  example  in  the  catacomb  of   Priscilla   is  the   following, 
(Marucchi  :  Le  Catacomhe  Romane,  p.  439). 
LVCRETIO  PAVLO  INFANTI  DULCIS 
SIMO  QVI  BIXIT  ANNO  VNO  MENS 
HIDIES  XVI   LVCRETIVS   EVTYCHES 
ET  LVCRETIA  MAXIMILLA  PARENTES 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  51 

anchor,  palm,  VALE,«o  GN  GIPHNH,  pax  tecum,^^ 
pax,  pax  tibi.^" 

The  noteworthy  thing  about  this  entire  series  of  inscriptions 
in  the  first  floor  of  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  is  that  they  are 
extremely  brief  and  simple.  They  form  a  class  by  themselves 
m  the  entire  field  of  Greek  and  Latin  Epigraphy,  whether  pagan 
or  Christian.  They  come  before  epigraphic  Christian  symbols 
and  formulas  had  been  invented.  While  they  contain  elements 
usual  in  pagan  inscriptions,  such  as  the  full  name  of  the  de- 
ceased and  his  length  of  life,  and  the  names  of  those  who  set  up 
the  inscription,  they  yet  show  a  decided  breaking  away  from 
pagan  forms.  There  is  nothing  of  pagan  cult  about  them,  nothing 
that  could  give  offence  to  Christian  belief.  In  many  one  name 
only  is  given,  and  this  not  because  of  servile  rank,  but  because 
of  the  practice  of  humility,  and  belief  in  the  simplicity  of 
Christian  brotherhood.  Pagan  forms  to  which  they  had  been 
accustomed  were  used  because  they  did  not  know  what  else  to 
do.  It  is  in  the  decline  of  the  second  century  that  distinctive 
Christian  inscriptions  have  their  origin,  and  the  development 
can  be  traced  step  by  step  down  to  the  fulsome  epithaphs  of  the 
fourth  century  and  later. 

De  Rossi,  after  noting  these  characteristics  in  publishing  252 
of  the  inscriptions,  concludes  as  follows,  "Putting  all  things  to- 
gether it  seems  to  me  that  the  period  dominating  or  prevailing 
in  the  sepulchres  of  the  primitive  nucleus  of  sand  pit  grottoes, 
especially  in  those  farthest  distant  from  the  points  where  the 
excavation  of  the  Christian  cemetery  proper  began  (i.  e.,  in  the 
granular  tufa),  is  anterior  to  that  period,  and  may  climb  in  the 
scale  of  years  from  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century 
through  the  long  reigns  of  Aelius  Antoninus  and  Hadrian  (117- 
161),  and  perhaps  also  farther,  even  to  the  Flavii  and  Claudii. 


"°  De  Rossi  in  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1864,  pp.  12,  13. 

"  De  Rossi,  op.  cit.,  1873,  p.  54,  "Sull'antico  saluto  sepolcrale  pax  tecum 

conchiudo,  che  I'uso  alquante  frequente  della  formola  predetta  in 

Roma  fu  proprio  degli  antichissimi  epitaffi  del  cimitero  di  Priscilla,  la  cui 
apostolica  origine  dalle  archeologiche  e  critiche  osservazioni  e  scoperte 
ogni  di  piu  e  confermata." 

"De  Rossi,  ibid.  1892,  p.  iigff. 


52  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

With  which  chronological  deduction  correspond  the  gentile 
names  Julius,  Atitonius,  Claudius,  Ulpius,  Aelius,  Aurelius,  and 
their  groups ;  the  general  system  of  nomenclature  which  is  ex- 
tremely diverse  from  that  employed  in  the  greatest  number  of 
Christian  epitaphs  of  the  other  cemeteries,  and  similar  to  that 
of  the  special  epigraphic  family  of  the  neighboring  Ostrian 
(Maius)  cemetery;  the  archaism  of  the  epigraphic  style  and  of 
the  Christian  symbol  writing,  the  origins  of  which  we  here 
discover ;  the  isolated  anchor,  frequently  repeated,  and  always 
without  the  symbolic  fish,  the  use  of  which  was  introduced  in  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century;  finally  the  comparison  of  this 
series  with  the  catacomb  epitaphs  of  the  known  period  of  the 
third  century,  or  about  the  end  of  the  second. "^^ 

^ Bull,  di  Arch  Crist.,  1886,  pp.  160,  161.  A  few  of  these  inscriptions 
may  be  selected  for  purposes  of  illustration:  (The  numbers  are  those  in 
De  Rossi's  list  in  his  publication  in  the  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1886,  1887  and 
1892.) 

EIPHNH,  94,  273,  349.  ASCLEPIODOTus,  363.  TTETPOC,  i.  IVL- 
CALPVRNIA  I  AGRIPPINO  AIVMNO  |  POS.,  3.  ACPIC,  13.  CEL- 
SUS,  16.  CLAVdius,  29.  FELICITAS  (anchor),  40.  CALPVRNIA 
PRIMITIV//,  47.  EVTHYCES,  48.  K AC TaJP( anchor),  100.  DOMI- 
TIAE  MARCIAE,  109.  SABINAE  BEATAE,  114.  M-  ZOYCTINOC, 
117.  (The  M  in  front  is  of  a  smaller  size,  and  if  it  may  be  understood 
as  an  abbreviation  for  MARTYR  instead  of  MARCVS,  as  there  seems 
to  be  some  ground  for  supposing  in  inscriptions  of  the  series,  the  guess 
has  been  hazarded  that  this  inscription  may  mark  the  tomb  of  Justin 
Martyr,  the  celebrated  philosopher  and  apologist.) 

FLAVIA  EVFROSyne,  123.  SVSANNA,  156. 
ARSINOE,  158.  FLAVIA  DONATA,  i94eYeATTICT0C  |  EVELPIS- 
TVS    (anchor),  88. 

P  •  TVLIVS  MARON  •  QVI  •  VIXIT  ArATTHTOC 

ANN  •  II  •  M  •  II  •  D  •  XXVII  ■  N  •  VID  NOV     GNeiPHNH      (55) 
•  D  •  VIII  ■  ID  •  MART  (28)  CAELESTINA 

PAX  (68) 

..CLAVDIO  •  EPICTECTO  Qui 

viXIT  •  ANNIS  •  IIII  MESiBVs  V....  "UeTPOC  EZH 

DIEBVS  •  III  CANNIIA  •  SATVRNINA  CeNGTH  GIH 

ALVMNO  CArlSSIMO  MCPAC'  NA-  (149) 

CI  •  VII O  (133) 

AVG  •  LIB  •  PRAEPOSITVS  •  TABERNACVLOrum 

Fecit sibi  et  chrysIDI  SORORI  BENEMERENTI  QVAE  VIXIT  -ANnis. . 
^t..SORORI  •  QVAE  •  VIXIT  •  ANNIS  •  XVII  •  SERAPIoni  av(?)0 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel 


53 


In  addition  to  the  above  epigraphic  evidence  it  remains  to  point 
out  yet  two  facts  concerning  these  primitive  centers  which  are 
extremely  significant  for  early  second  century  date,  (i)  the  pres- 
ence of  mosaic  decoration  in  the  Acilian  hypogeum,  and  (2)  the 
stucco  imitation  sarcophagi  in  the  main  gallery  of  the  arenarium. 
Remains  of  sarcophagi  in  marble  (probably  the  oldest  method 
of  burial  employed  in  the  Christian  catacombs)  have  been  found 
in  the  debris  of  the  galleries  as  well  as  in  the  niches  constructed  to 

qui  vixit  annis..XXXV-  CHRYSOMALLO-  PATRI  QVI  VIXIT  ■  ANnis 

I  FRATRI  •  QVI  VIXIT  •  ANNIS  •  XXII  •  NICENI  filiaE 

quae  vixit. . .  .eX  VOLVNTATE-  EIVSDEM  •  CHRYSIDIS     (213)  Bull., 
1880,  PI.  II,  I.     C.  I.  L.,  VI,  9054.     Cf.  on  the  title  praeposittis  taber- 
naculorum  Orelli-Henzen,  6101,  6361,  6362,  C.  I.  L.,  5339,  9053a. 

ONHCIMOC 
TITVS  FLA  TITUU  <}>AABIUJ 

VIVS  FE  >  ONHCI^t^OPUJ-     TeKNUI 

LICISSIMVS  TAYKYTATUUZH 

POSITVS  EST  (214)  GTH-     C         (282) 

De  Rossi  discusses  these  two  inscriptions,  and  connects  them  both  with 
the  Flavian  family.  He  says  that  Felicissimus  was  certainly  a  freedman 
of  Titus,  or  a  foreigner  given  Roman  citizenship  by  him.  He  also  points 
out  the  coincidence  of  the  two  f05rno?;n'Ha  ONHCIMOC  ONHC  ll'OPOC, 
both  of  which  are  mentioned  in  the  epistles  of  St.  Paul,  Phil.  5:  10;  Col. 
4:9;  II  Tim.  1:16,  4:19.  Cf.  Immaglni  scelte  della  b.  Vergine,  Rome, 
1863,  p.  18;  Roma  Sotterranea,  I,  p.  i88ff ;  Bull,  di  Arch.  Crist.,  1880,  p.  19, 
1886,  p.  131,  1892,  pp.  59,  60.  On  the  palaeographical  value  of  the  H  cf. 
De  Rossi:  Bull,  1865,  p.  38;  Inscr.  Christ.,  II,  p.  XVII. 
KHIA<t>OIBH 
TH4>IAANAPUU-  KA 
TTITUUN-  OCYNBIOC 
KAI-  CAYTUU-  (247) 
CORVINIO  •  SECVNDIONI 
VOLGIT  MARITO 
MERENTI       (283) 


This  inscription  was  found  in  a  room 
opening  onto  the  atrium  in  the  Greek 
Chapel  section. 


The  gentile  name  Corvinius  is  rare  in 
epitaphs,  pagan  or  Christian.  It  was  used 
by  the  Valerii  Mesalla  in  the  first  century  of  the  empire. 
ATINIAE  PAVLINAE  Q  ■  V  •  A  •  XXVII  The  gentile  names,  Cocceius 
COC- VICTOR  PET  AT  COC  LVIDVS  and  Ulpius  came  into  use 
FR  •  ET  FLOR  •  CANDIDA  •  ET  VARIVS  under  Nerva  and  Trajan. 
ROMANVS  •  FILI  HEREDES  POSV  On  the  formula  erogante 
erVNT  EROGANTe  VLP  •  INGENVO  curam  corpori  cf.  C.  /.  L., 
curam  cORPORI  EIVS  (285)       VI,  2613,  2648;   VIII,  205; 

Bull,   di  Arch.   Crist.,   1892, 
p.  62. 


54  S^t-  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

contain  them.  Because  of  these  niches  the  arrangement  of  the 
early  Acilian  section  of  this  catacomb  is  similar  in  many  respects 
to  the  Flavian  hypogeum  in  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla.  And  in 
the  main  artery  in  the  arenarium  section,  leading  from  the  en- 
trance stairs,  remains  of  loculi  have  been  discovered  with  stucco 
covering  designed  to  imitate  the  decorations  on  sarcophagi.  (What 
fragments  of  marble  sarcophagi  have  been  found  are  of  classic 
pagan  type,  free  from  things  offensive  to  the  Christian.  They 
date  from  the  period  when  wealthy  Christians  purchased  their 
sarcophagi  from  pagan  marble  shops,  before  the  time  when  Chris- 
tian artisans  designed  distinctly  Christian  sarcophagi.)  De  Rossi 
saw  in  this  stucco  imitation  of  sarcophagi  the  origin  of  the  locu- 
lus,  or  shelf-like  tomb.  The  desire  to  have  sarcophagi  sepulchres 
on  the  part  of  those  who  could  not  afford  marble  ones,  combined 
with  the  knowledge  of  the  properties  of  granular  tufa,  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  idea  of  excavating  a  grave  into  the  wall  of  the 
gallery,  then  covering  its  side  opening  with  brick  or  marble  and 
applying  the  stucco  marble-imitation  surface.^*  The  only  other 
place  in  the  Roman  catacombs  where  this  is  found  is  in  the  Fla- 
vian section  of  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla,  recognized  as  one  of  the 
earliest  localities  in  Christian  Rome. 

From  the  evidence  presented  above  derived  from  the  sections 
immediately  adjoining  the  Greek  Chapel  the  argument  is  obvious. 
They  show  clear  indications  of  having  been  used  for  burial  pur- 
poses by  Christians  in  the  early  second  century,  in  the  first  even. 
They  are  in  immediate  proximity  and  relationship  to  the  Greek 
Chapel,  and  tend  strongly  to  confirm  the  conclusion  already  at- 
tained as  to  its  date. 


By  careful  consideration  of  the  points  as  enumerated  above  it 


"This  gallery  is  marked  "K"  in  De  Rossi's  plan  in  the  Bull,  for  1884-5. 
Cf.  on  the  stucco-covered  loculi  De  Rossi  in  Bull.,  1865,  pp.  36-38; 
1886,  p.  136. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  55 

will  be  observed  (i)  that  they  are  consistent  one  with  another, 
and  (2)  that  the  cumulative  force  of  their  evidence  is  perfectly 
adequate  to  establish  a  date  for  the  Greek  Chapel  of  a  time  in  a 
period  extending  from  the  late  first  century  to  the  early  decades 
of  the  second.  While  some  of  the  points  taken  separately  may 
not  warrant  such  a  conclusion,  the  cumulative  effect  of  all  of 
them,  fitting  together  in  perfect  consistency,  is  irresistible.  The 
reign  of  Hadrian  (i  17-138)  may  at  least  be  regarded  as  the  ter- 
minus ad  quern. 

The  reason  for  discussing  the  date  of  the  Greek  Chapel  at  such 
length  is  the  fact  that  in  it  is  found  the  painting  of  the  Raising  of 
Lazarus,  an  absolutely  Johannine  theme.  As  said  above,  the  only 
themes  selected  for  consideration  in  discussing  the  date  of  the 
Gospel  are  those  absolutely  Johannine,  those  concerning  which 
there  can  be  no  question  as  to  source.  Wherefore,  no  attempt  is 
made  to  strengthen  the  argument  by  drawing  conclusions  from 
the  fact  that  the  theme  of  the  Restored  Paralytic,  an  archaeologi- 
cally  Johannine  theme,  is  also  found  in  the  chapel,  and  that  there 
is  excellent  reason  for  regarding  the  theme  of  the  Breaking  of 
Bread  as  Johannine  in  source.  The  date  of  these  paintings  is  the 
same,  but  as  they  cannot  be  proven  to  be  absolutely  Johannine  in 
origin,  no  use  need  be  made  of  them  in  considering  the  question. 

It  now  remains  to  discuss  briefly  one  or  two  other  crypts  which, 
because  of  their  date  in  the  first  half  or  middle  of  the  second 
century  and  because  they  contain  themes  absolutely  Johannine, 
bear  somewhat  upon  the  question  of  the  date  of  St.  John's  Gospel. 
The  first  is  the  chamber  in  the  catacomb  of  Praetextatus  on  the 
Via  Appia,  across  the  road  from  that  of  Callixtus,  named  by 
modern  workmen  the  "Passion  Crypt",  and  so  designated  in 
Wilpert's  Corpus,  though  the  title  "Johannine  Crypt"  has  been 
suggested  as  more  appropriate.  The  second  and  third  are  in  the 
catacomb  of  Callixtus,  and  are  known  as  the  Sacrament  Chapels 
A2  and  A3. 

The  "Passion-crypt"  contains  the  Johannine  themes  of  the 
Raising  of  Lazarus  and  the  Conversation  at  the  well  in  Samaria, 
and  possibly  a  third   (PI.  Illa).^^     The  Sacrament  Chapel  A2 


Mai.,  PI.  18,  19  i/2lIPraet. 


56  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

contains  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  (PL  VIIIc),®''  and  the  Chapel 
A3  the  Conversation  at  the  well  in  Samaria  and  probably  con- 
tained also  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  (PL  IVa).^^  The  dates 
ordinarily  assigned  to  these  are,  first  half  of  the  second  century 
to  the  "Passion"  or  "Johannine  Crypt",  and  second  half  of  the 
second  century  to  the  Sacrament  Chapels,  that  is,  sometime  be- 
fore the  year  180.  In  the  case  of  the  Greek  Chapel  the  evidence 
was  presented  in  detail.  This  was  necessary  because  of  the  great 
importance  of  the  chapel  if  found  to  be  of  early  second  century 
date.  The  paintings  of  the  chambers  in  the  catacombs  of  Prae- 
textatus  and  Callixtus  are  admittedly  of  later  date,  hence  do 
not  possess  the  same  acute  value  in  the  discussion  of  the  ques- 
tion of  the  date  and  influence  of  the  Fourth  Gospel.  Their  value 
is  corroborative,  and  tends  to  confirm  conclusions  already  at- 
tained. Hence  there  is  not  the  same  reason  for  analyzing 
the  evidence  in  support  of  the  dates  generally  accepted.  It 
is  hoped  that  it  has  been  shown  in  the  instance  of  the  Greek  Chapel 
that  the  method  is  scientific.  In  the  investigation  of  the  date 
of  any  catacomb  painting  certain  well-established  tests  are  suc- 
cessively applied,  just  as  the  reagents  in  a  chemical  analysis,  and 
the  date  is  obtained  through  their  means  with  a  very  reasonable 
degree  of  certainty.  These  tests  of  evidence  may  be  outlined 
about  as  follows : 

I.  Archaeological   (purely). 

(i)  Technique  of  execution — having  to  do  with  the  composi- 
tion of  the  stucco,  the  pigments,  mode  of  application,  color,  per- 
spective, laws  of  symmetry,  arrangement  and  grouping,  etc. 

(2)   Detail  of  figures  and  objects  painted. 

a.  Detail  of   figures — clothes,   shoes,  hair-dressing,^^   ex- 
pression, movement  and  action,  etc. 

b.  Objects  painted. 

c.  Architectural,  classic  and  non-symbolic  details. 

'"Id.,  PI.  39-1  2/2IIC. 

"Id.,  PL  29-2  2/2IIC. 

"  An  example  of  use  of  styles  of  hair-dressing  to  date  a  picture  may- 
be seen  in  a  painting  in  the  catacomb  of  Callixtus,  in  which  a  deceased  lady, 
Dionysas,  has  her  hair  waved,  or  "undulated"  as  we  would  call  it  to-day. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  57 

(3)  Known  date  of  the  locality  of  the  section  of  the  cata- 
comb under  consideration.  (Upper  stories  are  earlier,  and  sec- 
tions nearer  the  entrances,  with  certain  restrictions,  such  as  the 
well-known  fact  of  the  destruction  of  early  tombs  by  fourth 
and  fifth  century  Christians  who  wished  to  be  buried  as  near  as 
possible  to  the  grave  of  a  martyr  or  saint.)  In  such  a  case 
the  locality,  however,  is  ipso  facto  testified  to  as  being  early,  and 
by  application  of  the  laws  of  evidence  its  elements  may,  in  many 
cases,  be  classified  and  dated. 

(4)  Archaeology  of  the  architecture.  Here  are  considered 
the  form  of  the  galleries,  loculi,  cubiciila  and  crypts,  dimensions, 
details,  such  as  columns,  bases  and  capitals  (whether  of  marble  or 
cut  out  of  the  tufa),  vaulting,  arches,  slabs  and  tiles  to  close 
loculi,  etc. 

(5)  Objects  found  in  the  tombs  decorated  by  the  paintings 
under  consideration:  lamps,  glass,  jewelry,  toilet  articles,  ivories, 
small  objects. 

(6)  Sarcophagi. 

II.  Epigraphical. 

(i)  Inscriptions  dated  absolutely  in  their  own  content  (chiefly 
by  means  of  consuls)  belonging  directly  to  the  spot. 

(2)  Inscriptions  dated  absolutely  or  approximately  by  means 
of  Epigraphy  (such  as  by  examination  of  their  palaeography, 
the  formulas  used,  etc.)  which  belong  to  the  spot. 

(3)  Inscriptions  dated  in  either  of  the  above  ways,  belonging 
indirectly  to  the  spot. 

III.  Inductive  grouping  and  arrangement  of  subjects  and  de- 
tail of  same,  resulting  in  classification  of  development  in 
the  several  periods. 

In  the  Greek  Chapel  it  was  shown  how  these  tests  are  applied. 
The  reader  is  asked  to  believe  that  the  same  method  has  been 

It  is  known  that  Empress  Julia  Domna,  wife  of  Septimius  Severus,  intro- 
duced the  style  into  Rome.  The  picture  then  may  be  dated  at  the  end  of 
the  third  century  from  this  circumstance  alone.  Wilpert :  Pitture,  p.  99, 
PI.  Hi.  Cf.  also  on  this  subject  Mrs.  Strong,  Roman  Sculpture,  chapter  on 
Portraiture. 


58  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

made  use  of  in  determining  the  second  century  dates  of  the 
paintings  in  the  Johannine  crypt  and  in  the  Sacrament  Chapels.*® 
It  may  be  observed  in  passing  that  in  the  dating  of  the  Johannine 
crypt  a  satisfactory  bit  of  evidence  is  the  presence,  not  far 
away,  of  a  piece  of  architectural  decoration  of  very  great  merit, 
and  of  the  indicated  period,  bearing  strong  resemblance  to  "that 
which  we  admire  in  the  mausoleum  erected  by  Herodes  Atticus 
in  honor  of  his  first  wife,  Annia  Regilla".  The  estate  of  Herodes 
Atticus  has  been  recognized  from  numerous  monuments  above 
ground  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  catacomb.  The  tomb  of 
his  wife  is  commonly  known  as  the  temple  of  the  Dens  Rediculus. 
The  resemblance  in  architectural  style  between  the  fagade  in  the 
catacomb  of  Praetextatus  and  the  tomb  of  Annia  Regilla  is 
striking  and  significant.^"  In  the  case  of  the  Sacrament  Chapels, 
the  criteria  established  from  numerous  other  paintings,  of  stucco 
of  two  layers  and  of  good  quality,  excellent  colors  and  a  degree 
of  ability  in  execution,  tunics  of  short  sleeves,  absence  of 
ornamentation  in  dress,  etc.,  were  adequate  to  determine  the 
date.  The  same  result  was  attained  by  independent  geological 
and  topographical  study. 


It  appears,  then,  that  in  the  second  half  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, before  the  year  180,  the  themes  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus 
and  of  the  Conversation  of  Christ  with  the  Woman  of  Samaria 
at  Jacob's  Well  are  found  one  time  each,  that  in  the  first  half 
of  the  second  century  the  same  themes  are  found  one  time 
each,  and  that  in  the  early  years  of  the  second  or  late  years  of 
the  first  is  found  the  theme  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus.  It  is 
recalled  that  both  these  themes  are  absolutely  Johannine,  the 
incidents  being  narrated  in  St.  John's  Gcspel,  and  nowhere 
else.     The  statement  may  also  be  made  that  the  theme  of  the 

^  Wilpert :   Pitture,  p.  122. 

**  De  Rossi :  Bull,  di  Arch  Crist.,  1863,  pp.  20,  21.  Lanciani :  Pagan  and 
Christian  Rome,  p.  291. 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  59 

Raising  of  Lazarus  is  one  of  the  most  popular  in  all  the 
Roman  catacombs.  Two  more,  possibly  three  paintings  of  the 
theme  date  from  the  second  century,  seven  were  executed  in  the 
third,  and  forty-one  in  the  fourth,  confining  our  enumeration 
to  painting  alone,  making  fifty-four  in  all. 

It  is  now  permissable  from  the  above  to  make  some  deductions : 

(i)   Inasmuch  as  paintings  of  themes  from  St.  John's  Gospel 

are  found  in  the  second  century,  several  of  which  date   from 

the  middle  of  the  century,  the  document  from  which  they  derived 

their  source  must  have  been  written  before  that  date. 

(2)  One  of  these  paintings  belongs  in  the  early  years  of 
the  second  century,  whence  we  conclude  that  its  written  source 
must  have  been  composed  before  that  date. 

(3)  Wherefore,  even  if  the  painting  was  executed  as  late  as 
the  year  130,  it  presupposes  the  circulation  of  the  Johannine 
Gospel  in  the  community  for  a  certain  period  of  time  before ;  and 
if  the  painting  is  dated  twenty  or  thirty  years  earlier,  as  there 
is  plenty  of  reason  for  doing,  it  is  necessary  to  suppose  that 
the  Gospel  was  circulated  in  Rome  a  certain  number  of  years 
before  that.  (It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  prominent  incident 
of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  could  have  been  transmitted  through 
the  Church  by  word  of  mouth,  or  by  document  other  than  St. 
John's  Gospel,  and  that  by  such  means  the  Roman  Church,  from 
the  days  of  its  earliest  converts,  might  have  been  familiar  with 
the  story.  All  that  need  be  said  is  that  there  is  no  evidence 
whatever  for  such  a  supposition.  From  the  immense  number 
of  wonderful  works  that  Christ  performed,  and  saving  words 
that  He  uttered,  the  Evangelists  selected  what  they  regarded  as 
essential  for  their  purpose.  It  was  through  their  writings  that 
the  widely  scattered  Church  was  permanently  informed.  The 
three  synoptic  Evangelists  are  silent  as  to  the  Raising  of  Lazarus, 
but  John  evidently  thought  that  the  incident  should  be  imparted 
to  the  Church  universal.^^    There  is  no  evidence  that  the  Church 


"^  The  modern  theory  that  the  incident  is  an  allegory,  commendably 
introduced  in  the  Gospel  to  teach  moral  truth,  does  not  deserve  consid- 
eration. It  is  entirely  subjective,  its  advocates  present  no  evidence 
wrhatever  on  which  to  base  the  assertion,  it  follows  no  argument,  and  while 
set  forth  as  if  it  were  a  plain  statement  of  fact,  it  is  merely  a  conjecture. 


6o  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

outside  of  Jerusalem  and  the  Jewish  branch  was  familiar  with 
the  miracle  until  the  Apostle  John  included  it  in  his  Gospel 
in  the  final  years  of  the  first  century.  Then,  after  a  short  inter- 
val, we  see  it  recognized  in  the  Art  of  the  Church  of  Rome. 
What  oral  transmission  may  have  done  we  do  not  know.  There 
is  absolutely  no  evidence.  In  the  absence  of  evidence  it  is  en- 
tirely proper  to  regard  St.  John's  Gospel  as  the  exclusive  source 
for  the  theme  in  Art,  as  well  as  of  all  others  found  only  in 
the  Johannine  Gospel.  And  further,  the  point  is  here  to  be  em- 
phasized as  much  as  possible  that  the  catacomb  paintings  regu- 
larly follozv  the  Gospels,  even  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Apocryphal 
Gospels.  It  is  not  likely  that  artists  who  scouted  the  Apocryphal 
stories  would  have  accepted  any  other  story  which  had  not 
the  authority  of  accepted  canonical  literature.) 

(4)  Such  is  the  case  in  Rome,  yet  the  Gospel  is  credited 
as  coming  from  Ephesus.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  it 
took  some  years  for  the  Gospel  to  become  generally  received 
in  Rome  after  the  date  of  its  publication  in  Ephesus.  Rome 
was  indeed  a  cosmopolitan  city,  but  from  what  we  know  of 
methods  of  publishing  in  that  day  such  an  inference  is  certainly 
permissable,  and  even  obvious.  The  Roman  Church  of  the 
second  century,  instead  of  being  a  miserable  society  of  slaves, 
was  composed,  as  we  have  seen,  of  men  of  three  names,  con- 
nected with  good  Roman  families,  as  well  as  of  the  more  humble 
orders  of  society.  Such  men  would  at  once  appreciate  the 
Gospel  when  it  was  brought  to  them,  and  they  naturally  received 
it  first;  but  it  would  take  time  to  so  introduce  it  to  the  general 
community  from  the  limited  manuscript  copies  that  the  people 
would  become  familiar  with  its  several  parts,  so  familiar  that 
they  would  select  themes  from  it  to  express  their  Christian 
beliefs  and  ideas  about  death  and  the  future  life. 

(5)  It  is  necessary,  then,  to  presuppose  a  period  of  years 
from  the  date  of  the  execution  of  the  earliest  fresco  containing 
a  Johannine  theme  to  the  date  when  the  source  for  this  fresco 
was  composed.  This  period  is  more  or  less  elastic  of  course. 
The  painting  and  the  theme  may  be  contemporaneous ;  or  the 
theme  may  antedate  the  painting  by  as  much  as  thirty  years.     But 


Archaeology  on  the  Date  of  the  Gospel  6l 

if  the  fresco  dates  from  the  early  second  century,  as  we  have 
endeavored  to  show,  the  conclusion  follows  that  the  Gospel  must 
have  been  composed  during  or  before  the  latter  years  of  the  first 
century.  (This  is  a  date  that  permits  the  supposition  that  it 
was  written  by  the  Apostle  himself.) 

It  remains  only  to  forestall  the  possible  objection  that  the 
frescoes  are  responsible  for  the  inclusion  of  the  themes  in  the 
Gosepl,  that  they  are  the  product  of  an  imagination  that  appealed 
to  the  popular  mind,  and  that  as  a  result  the  incidents  were 
committed  to  narrative  form  and  inserted  in  the  Gospel  by  some 
genius  who  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity ;  in  other  words, 
that  the  Gospel  was  not  the  source  for  the  frescoes,  but  that 
the  frescoes  represent  the  movement  that  was  the  source  for  the 
Gospel  narratives.  It  is,  in  addition  to  what  was  said  above, 
sufficient  to  remark  that  there  is  absolutely  no  evidence  on  which 
to  base  such  a  supposition.  It  makes  too  many  demands  upon 
our  credulity.  It  is  gratuitously  mechanical,  and  may  be  urged 
with  equal  plausibility  in  the  case  of  any  picture  that  illustrates 
the  printed  page  when  the  facts  concerning  the  origin  of  both  are 
unknown.  The  natural  order  is  reversed  upon  no  grounds 
of  any  kind.  It  is  admitted  that  the  earliest  painting  and  its 
written  source  appeared  at  about  the  same  time,  but  there  is 
no  reason  to  deny  a  period  of  some  years  between  in  natural  se- 
quence. The  only  reasonable  way  to  account  for  the  Lazarus 
picture  in  the  Greek  Chapel  is  to  say  that  it  was  caused  to 
be  painted  by  some  one  who  was  having  a  series  of  paintings 
executed  from  various  parts  of  the  sacred  conon.  This  means 
that  it  was  recognized  at  the  time  it  was  painted  as  being  se- 
lected from  the  Scriptures,  from  writings  already  existing;  and 
further,  the  theme  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  was  selected  from 
the  writings  of  a  canonical  writer,  of  a  man  who  was  at  that 
time  recognised  as  having  the  right  to  write  Scripture.  The 
theme  is  found  in  the  Gospel  of  St.  John.  It  follows,  then,  that 
at  the  time  when  the  painting  was  executed,  the  early  second 
century,  the  Gospel  was  accepted  in  Rome  as  having  been 
written  by  one  who  had  the  authority  to  write  it,  even  the 
Apostle  himself. 


62  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Such  is  an  illustration  of  the  practical  value  of  archaeological 
investigation  in  the  field  of  historical  criticism.  It  is  next  in 
order  to  discuss  the  influence  that  the  Gospel  exerted  in  the 
thought  of  the  second  century  Church  as  revealed  by  Archaeology. 


II.  THE  EARLY  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  GOSPEL. 

From  what  has  been  said  on  the  question  of  the  date  of  St. 
John's  Gospel  it  follows  that  it  exerted  considerable  influence  on 
the  thought  of  the  Church  in  Rome  at  a  very  early  period.  This 
is  evident  simply  from  an  enumeration  of  the  themes  painted 
during  the  second  century  that  are  absolutely  Johannine.  The 
same  is  confirmed  in  the  third  century  in  which  two  additional 
paintings  of  the  scene  at  the  Well  in  Samaria  are  noted,  and  seven 
of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus,  with  two  more  in  the  second  century, 
and  also  two  paintings  of  the  miracle  of  Converting  Water  into 
Wine  at  the  Marriage  Feast  in  Cana  of  Galilee. 

To  these  are  to  be  added  also  the  series  of  paintings  of 
themes  regarded  as  Johannine  in  source  for  (i)  archaeological, 
and  (2)  characteristic  reasons.  Among  the  former  are  to  be 
enumerated  the  Healing  of  the  Paralytic,  of  which  there  are  two 
paintings  in  the  second  century  and  six  in  the  third,  the  theme 
"Behold  the  Lamb  of  God"  painted  once  in  the  second  century, 
the  theme  of  the  Multiplication  of  Loaves,  and  kindred  themes, 
painted  at  least  once  in  the  second  century  and  nine  times  in  the 
third.  Among  the  latter  are  the  Good  Shepherd,  painted  at  least 
three  times  in  the  first  century,  eleven  times  in  the  second,  and 
thirty  times  in  the  third  (with  corresponding  ratio  in  the  fourth)  ; 
the  theme  of  the  Incarnation,  presented  under  various  forms  but 
chiefly  through  the  Madonna  cycle  of  which  there  are  two  paint- 
ings of  the  second  century  and  four  of  the  third;  Orpheus,  who 
is  treated  once  in  the  second  century  and  twice  in  the  third ;  the 
fourth  century  theme  of  the  Rain  of  Manna;  and  the  Vine 
design,  found  in  the  first  century  as  well  as  later. 

The  archaeological  reasons  for  regarding  the  former  themes 
Johannine  will  be  given  in  the  discussion  of  the  separate  themes. 
The  reasons  for  the  "characteristic"  themes  will  be  evident 
directly,  when  the  peculiar  characteristic  of  St.  John's  Gospel 
and  its  value  for  symbolic  purposes  is  discussed.  It  will,  of 
course,  be  evident  that  the  absolutely  and  the  archaeologically 


64  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Johannine  themes  are  at  the  same  time  characteristic.  That  is, 
they  ilhistrate  the  pecuHar  adaptability  of  the  Gospel  to  symbolism, 
and  symbolism  is  the  distinctive  feature  of  all  catacomb  paintings 
of  the  first  three  centuries,  and  of  the  great  mass  of  those  of 
the  fourth.^-  It  will  be  seen  from  the  discussion  of  this 
characteristic  of  the  Gospel  that  St.  John's  Gospel  best  met  the 
symbolic  desire  of  the  Church,  and  that  the  first  and  second  classes 
of  themes  were  obviously  selected  from  this  Gospel  for  portrayal 
in  catacomb  frescoes  because  they  exactly  met  this  symbolic  desire. 
It  will  be  apparent  at  the  same  time  why  themes,  the  written 
sources  of  which  may  be  found  in  various  documents,  are  re- 
garded as  Johannine,  and  included  in  a  third  class,  the  "character- 
istically" Johannine  themes.  They  may  indeed  be  found  in  various 
parts  of  Scripture,  but  the  reason  for  their  being  painted  in  the 
catacombs  is  because  they  fulfilled  the  characteristic  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel.  The  details  of  paintings  of  the  Madonna  cycle  are 
found  in  the  Gospels  of  SS.  Matthew  and  Luke,  but  the  reason 
for  the  cycle's  being  portrayed  in  the  catacombs  is  found  best  in 
that  of  the  Apostle  John.  He  it  was  who  treated  of  the  meaning 
and  significance  of  the  Incarnation. 

To  understand  all  this,  and  to  a.ppreciate  the  remarkable 
influence  the  Gospel  exerted  in  the  second  century  Church,  it  is 
necessary  to  have  a  clear  knowledge  of  the  purpose  and  concep- 
tion in  Catacomb  Painting,  and  to  possess  a  correct  estimate  of 
the  essential  characteristic  of  the  Johannine  Gospel,  and  its  sym- 
bolic nature : 


"  In  the  discussion  of  the  Greek  Chapel  attention  was  drawn  to  the 
manifest  conflict  between  realism  and  symbolism.  That  conflict  was  in 
regard  to  form  only;  it  had  nothing  to  do  with  idea.  The  question  was 
simply  whether  such  and  such  a  theme  should  be  painted  realistically  or 
symbolically.  It  was  always  conceded  that  the  theme  itself  was  symbolic. 
The  theme  portrayed  was  intended  to  symbolize  some  spiritual  truth. 
Symbolism  of  the  idea  prevailed  also  over  form  of  expression,  which 
also  became  symbolic  as  we  saw  in  the  Greek  Chapel. 


Y^-\: 

t 

Plate  VIT.     FRf)M  Wilpert's  IMalereiex. 


The  Early  Influence  of  the  Gospel  65 

The  Purpose  and  Nature  of  Catacomb  Painting. 

The  catacombs  of  Rome  were  excavated  solely  for  the  purpose 
of  sepulchre.^^  They  were  tombs  and  nothing  else  for  fully  three 
hundred  years.  Towards  the  close  of  the  constructive  period 
they  were  used  also  for  purposes  of  cult.  Damasus  (366-384) 
was  one  of  the  foremost  in  illustrating  their  value  for  cult,  as 
the  remains  of  his  adornments  of  the  tombs  of  the  Roman  bishops 
and  numerous  fragments  of  his  laudatory  inscriptions  extensively 
show.  Yet  the  cult  of  the  spot  arose  because  in  the  decades  pre- 
vious the  sacred  treasures  necessary  for  the  cult,  i.  e.,  the  remains 
of  the  martyrs  and  saints,  had  been  deposited  in  the  catacombs, 
thus  furnishing  the  materia  beside  which  it  was  efficacious  for 
a  sinful  man  to  be  buried,  and  from  which  spiritual  and  physical 
benefits  might  be  received  by  the  living.^*  Indeed,  after  the  year 
410  the  catacombs  were  entered  for  no  other  purpose."'  and  in  the 
mediaeval  period  and  since  their  discovery  in  1578  have  wit- 
nessed strange  scenes  in  the  practice  of  the  cult. 

*^  It  is  not  intended  to  deny  that  they  were  used  on  occasion  as  tempo- 
rary places  of  refuge  in  times  of  persecution.  There  is  good  reason 
to  believe  that  they  were  so  use.  Cf.  De  Rossi:  Roma  Sottcrranea,  II,  p. 
258ff,  where  it  is  shown  that  stairways  were  destroyed  by  the  Christians 
during  the  later  persecutions  evidently  to  cut  ofif  access  to  the  Cecelia 
section  of  the  catacomb  of  Callixtus,  and  that  in  the  arenarium  of  the  same 
difficult  and  obscure  passages  of  ingress  were  provided.  At  the  most, 
the  catacombs  could  not  be  employed  in  this  way  for  more  than  a  few 
days  at  a  time,  in  case  of  dire  need.  (Wilpert :  Pitture,  p.  128.  "II  luogo 
stesso  con  la  sua  atmosfera  insalubre  e  metifica,  la  vicinanza  e  le  esalazioni 
dei  cadaveri  che  non  potevano  evitarsi  neppure  con  tutte  le  precauzioni, 
dovevano  spingere  alia  freta.")  When  the  Liber  Pontificalis  narrates  the 
flight  of  Bishop  Liberius,  fleeing  from  the  persecution  of  the  Arian  Emperor 
Constantius,  and  says  that  he  took  refuge  in  the  catacombs  of  St.  Agnes, 
it  undoubtedly  refers  to  one  of  the  buildings  above  ground,  such  as  a 
custodian's  dwelling  which,  being  in  a  sacred  or  consecrated  area,  would 
be  a  sanctuary  and  a  sufficient  place  of  refuge.  Lib.  Pont.,  Vit.  Liberius, 
ad  loc. 

**The  first  stage  in  the  development  of  the  cult  of  the  martyrs  was 
the  strong  impression  made  upon  survivors  by  their  heroic  deaths.  I.  e., 
certainly  those  who  suffered  such  things  for  Christ  must  probably  be  very 
highly  regarded  by  God.  Hence  the  advisability  of  soliciting  their  good 
word  in  favors  asked  in  prayer. 

""  De  Rossi :  Inscr.  Christ.,  p.  25off. 


66  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

The  purpose  of  their  excavation,  however,  v^as  entirely  sepul- 
chral, and  that  they  might  be  places  of  burial  was  the  only  reason 
for  their  existence.  Wherefore  all  things  connected  with  and  be- 
longing to  them  are  sepulchral  in  nature,  and  this  is  the  prevail- 
ing characteristic  of  Catacomb  Art.^*^ 

This  fact  is  nowadays  generally  recognized,  and  is  emphatic- 
ally worked  out  by  Wilpert.  Indeed,  it  is  the  prominent  thread 
running  through  all  of  his  extensive  writings  on  the  catacomb 
paintings  and  their  symbolism.  He  has  treated  them  in  this 
way  to  such  an  extent  that  it  may  be  seriously  questioned  whether 
he  has  not  carried  the  matter  to  an  extreme.  It  is  to  be  feared 
that  he  is  guilty  of  a  few  anachronisms  in  reading  into  paintings 
of  the  first  two  centuries  interpretations  that  may  correspond 
with  the  fourth. ^^  It  is  also  difficult  to  understand  why  he 
insists  upon  rejecting  the  possibility  of  a  plurality  of  interpreta- 
tions of  the  same  theme.  That  is  to  say,  a  theme  may  have  had 
only  one  significance  in  the  mind  of  him  who  caused  it  to  be 
painted,  and  no  more,  and  this  meaning  was  the  same  for  all 
periods  of  Catacomb  Painting.  Further,  this  meaning  must  be 
the  one  that  he  interprets,  so  that  instead  of  being  allowed  to 
think  that  the  early  Christians  were  possessed  of  a  wealth  of 
thought  and  reflection  when  they  gazed  upon  the  frescoed  walls 
and  ceilings,  we  are  compelled  to  limit  our  conception  to  the  point 
of  supposing  that  they  read  only  one  meaning  from  each  picture. 
Without  countenancing  the  extravagant  fancies  of  the  numer- 
ous interpreters  of  the  catacomb  themes,  one  may  yet  regret 
the  narrowness  of  the  view  that  sees  only  that  the  story  of  Jonah 
symbolized  the  deliverance  of  the  soul  of  the  deceased  from  the 
pains  of  purgatory,  and  does  not  allow  even  as  included  in  the 
symbolism  the  divine  aid  extended  to  the  Christian  in  peril  of  sin 
or  death,  or  even  physical  danger,  not  to  mention  the  connection 
between  the  story  of  Jonah  and  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection,^^ 

^  The  word  "Art"  is  used  here  in  a  very  broad  sense.  Cf.  Wilpert : 
Pitture,  p.  127. 

"'  For  instance,  one  obtains  the  impression  by  reading  Le  Pitture  that 
the  custom  of  entreating  the  prayers  of  the  deceased,  as  well  as  of  praying 
for  the  deceased,  was  as  common  in  the  days  of  Justin  Martyr  as  in 
those  of  Damasus. 

*'Mt.    12:38-41.     Lk.    11:29-30. 


The  Early  Influence  of  the  Gospel  67 

which  last  at  least  may  be  regarded  as  eschatalogical,  and  therefore 
fitting  for  places  of  sepulchre. 

This  feature  of  Wilpert's  system  of  interpretation  is  best  seen 
in  the  mechanical  effect  produced  by  his  treatment  of  the  Euchar- 
istic  cycle.  Having  observed  that  an  orant  is  frequently  painted 
in  relation  with  an  eucharistic  scene,  he  concludes  that  the  orant 
symbolizes  the  effect  produced  by  participating  in  the  sacrament, 
i.  e.,  the  soul  of  the  deceased  attains  heavenly  felicity.  "L'orante 
nel  centro  della  volta  allude  aU'efifeto  della  communione."'*''  Not- 
withtstanding  scattered  references  through  the  Fathers  it  is  very 
doubtful  if  the  Church  of  the  third  century  held  such  a  magical 
idea  of  the  Eucharist,  as  that  it  as  a  cause  must  produce  a  conse- 
quent effect,  just  as  any  drug  or  material  substance.  In  the  in- 
stance referred  to,  the  lunette  of  an  arcosolium  contains  a  paint- 
ing of  the  miracle  of  changing  the  water  into  wine  at  Cana 
of  Galilee,  and  in  the  vault  are  painted,  on  one  side  a  scene  of 
baptism,  and  opposite  the  incident  of  Moses  striking  water  from 
the  rock,  which  from  its  very  position  Wilpert  regards  as  a 
symbol  of  baptism,  and  in  the  center  of  the  vault,  between  these 
two  scenes  is  the  orant.  Here  then  we  see  the  happy  result  of 
duly  observing  the  sacraments. 

Although  the  example  cited  is  only  one  of  a  relatively  large 
number  in  whose  collective  presentation  there  is  considerable 
force,  yet  there  are  several  considerations  which  forbid  such  a 
mechanical,  mathematical  system  of  interpretation.  And  one  of 
these  is  the  physical  law  of  symmetry  which  was  so  rarely  violated 
in  Catacomb  Painting,  and  which  was  so  admirably  maintained 
in  this  painting.  Moses  striking  the  rock  is  in  exact  bal- 
ance with  the  scene  of  the  baptism,  in  which  the  person  on 
whom  the  sacrament  is  performed  is  relatively  so  small  that 
he  attracts  no  attention,  and  is  able  to  counterbalance  nicely 
Moses'  rock.  (Incidentally  it  may  be  questioned  why  it  should 
have  been  considered  necessary  to  picture  the  same  subject  twice 
in  the  same  tomb,  holding  as  Wilpert  does  that  the  theme  of 
Moses  and  the  Rock  in  the  third  century  always  symbolizes 
baptism.  It  is  not  a  sufficient  reason  to  say  that  the  one  scene 
literally  pictures  what  the  other  symbolizes.)     The  orant  above 

^  PI.  Vllb.     Wilpert :     Piiture,  p.  278.     ^IIIP&M. 


68  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

exactly  divides  the  vault.  In  this  case  the  figure  accomodat- 
ingly  completes  a  sacramental  cycle,  but  when  it  is  considered 
that  the  orant  is  the  most  frequent  subject  in  all  catacomb  fres- 
coes, the  scope  of  which  is  not  very  large,  and  that  this  position 
in  the  middle  of  the  arch  is  very  appropriate  for  it  and  that  it 
is  commonly  found  there,  one  may  not  be  certain  but  that  its  use 
here  was  determined  not  so  much  for  the  symbolic  reason  as 
stated  by  Wilpert,  as  by  consideration  for  its  popularity.  In 
other  words,  the  owner  wanted  an  orant  painted  in  his  arcosolium 
just  as  so  many  of  his  neighbors  had  them  in  theirs.  The  orant 
undoubtedly  did  mean  to  him  the  expression  of  his  or  a  soul 
in  prayer,  but  here  it  may  be  remarked  that  the  evidence  in 
first,  second  or  third  century  paintings  to  prove  absolutely  that  this 
act  of  prayer  took  place  after  the  departure  of  the  soul  from  its 
physical  environment  is  very  meagre. 

Wilpert,  following  Le  Blant,^°°  is  very  strongly  held  by  the 
fascination  of  cutting  out  his  interpretation  of  much  of  the  early 
symbolism  according  to  the  measure  furnished  by  the  liturgies 
of  the  pseudocyprianic  prayers. ^°^  This  is  a  restrictive  method 
which  we  feel  is  a  little  too  narrow  to  correspond  with  the  general 
state  of  the  Church  in  the  period  which  we  are  considering.  Just 
as  to-day  the  same  text  of  Scripture,  or  passage  of  profane  writ- 
ing, permits  a  great  many  true  things  to  be  remarked  about  it, 
non-contradictory  but  rather  inter-confirmatory,  so  to  the  ancient 
Christian  pursuing  his  way  through  the  galleries  or  straying  into 
the  cubicula,  these  paintings  would  be  significant  according  to 
the  wealth  of  his  knowledge  of  the  Sacred  Writings. 

And  we  may  insist  upon  this  more  liberal  attitude  in  interpre- 
tation without  in  the  least  conflicting  with  the  principle  of  sim- 
plicity in  execution,  so  admirably  emphasized  by  Wilpert  in  his 
section  on  the  origins  of  representations  specifically  Christian. ^°- 
He  declares  most  clearly,  "I'azione,  o  meglio,  il  momento  piu 
essenziale  dell'azione,  fu  tolto  dal  racconto  biblico,  e  le  figure 
principali  che  in  essa  compariscono  furono  collocate  in  attegg- 

""LeBlant:   Sarcophages  d' Aries,  Intro,  sec.  5,  p.  XXIff.,  XXXIII. 
"'Wilpert:   Pitture,  p.  I36f{. 
^"Pitture,  Chap.  II,  sec.  Ill,  p.  36ff. 


The  Early  Influence  of  the  Gospel  69 

ianienti  corrispondenti  a  queH'istante"^*^^  He  is  most  correct  in 
saying  that  the  idea  of  the  artist  was  not  to  make  a  pictorial  com- 
mentary on  Scripture.  Thus,  in  the  case  of  representation  of 
the  miracle  of  Moses  striking  the  rock  in  the  wilderness  and  water 
flowing  forth  to  quench  the  thirst  of  the  murmuring  Children  of 
Israel,  all  that  is  attempted  is  the  plain  figure  of  Moses  (in 
pallium,  the  philosopher's  garb)  with  arm  outstretched  and  rod  in 
hand,  and  the  rock  in  most  sketchy  outline,  with  a  few  dabs  of 
color  to  indicate  water.  No  realism  of  nature  is  attempted. 
No  landscape  carries  the  eye  back  into  the  picture.  There  is  abso- 
lutely no  hint  of  atmosphere  or  of  cloud  until  the  paintings  of  the 
fourth  century,  and  then  only  in  rare  instances. ^°*  Moses  and  the 
rock  alone  indicate  the  theme  of  the  painting,  and  they  indicate  it 
sufficiently  well.  It  is  perfectly  apparent  that  symbolism  alone 
is  intended.  It  would,  indeed,  have  been  rather  useless  to  attempt 
artistic  expression  in  underground  crypts,  which  would  be  visited 
but  rarely  and  then  only  with  the  delicate  light  of  terra  cotta 
lamps.  The  pictures  by  their  simplicity  make  it  clear  that  symbol- 
ism alone  was  intended,  but  simplicity  or  rather  unanimity  in  inter- 
pretation of  the  symbolism  does  not  necessarily  follow.  A  painting 
may  have  been  significant  in  one  way  to  the  man  who  caused  it  to 
be  executed,  and  in  other  ways  to  those  who  came  after  him.  Thus 
the  scene  of  Moses  striking  the  rock  may  have  symbolized  baptism 

'"'Ibid.,  p.  37- 

^°*This  fact  must  bear  strongly  against  the  brilliant  attempt  of  Messrs. 
Richter  and  Taylor  (The  Golden  Age  of  Classic  Christian  Art,  London, 
1905.)  to  remove  the  mosaics  of  the  nave  and  triumphal  arch  of  5.  Maria 
Maggiore  in  Rome  from  the  fourth  century  to  the  second.  In  their 
beautiful  reproductions  of  the  best  preserved  mosaics,  such  as  scenes 
from  the  life  of  Abraham  in  v^^hich  he  greets  and  entertains  the  three 
heavenly  visitors  and  in  which  he  receives  Melchezidek,  the  richness  of 
the  cloud  effect  is  a  prominent  feature.  In  the  latter,  Christ  Himself  is 
seen  in  the  clouds  with  hand  outstretched  towards  the  basket  of  loaves 
which  Abraham  presents  to  his  royal  and  priestly  visitor.  This  goes 
much  farther  than  even  the  fourth  century  paintings  in  the  catacombs, 
where  the  hand  of  God  is  seen  on  high  in  one  fresco  of  the  Three 
Hebrew  Children  in  the  fiery  furnace  at  Babylon,  Mai.,  PI.  172  2/2lVMaius; 
and  in  four  of  the  Sacrifice  of  Abraham,  PI.  139  1/2IVD;  PI.  96  VD ;  PI. 
201  VD;  PI.  222  2/2lVMaius.  Cf.  Pitture,  text  p.  32. 


70  5"^.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

to  the  early  Church  in  general, ^*'^  as  Wilpert  beheves,  but  that  did 
not  prevent  Justin  Martyr  from  seeing  it,  in  connection  of  the  fur- 
nishing of  the  quails  and  the  cloud,  a  symbol  of  heaven. ^°*^  We 
must  ask  for  a  little  more  flexibility  in  interpretation  than  Wilpert 
seems  to  be  disposed  to  allow.  And  we  must  ask  for  this  without 
in  the  least  discounting  the  eminently  valuable  remarks  made  in  his 
chapter  on  the  "principles  rfor  the  interpretation  of  the  sacred  paint- 
ings in  the  catacombs. "^°^  Particularly  do  we  agree  in  the  principle 
he  lays  down  of  interrogating  first  of  all  the  pictures  themselves 
and  in  connection  with  the  font  from  which  they  derive  their  con- 
tent, i.  e.,  the  Scriptures.^°^ 

It  is  in  the  application  of  this  principle  that  we  observe  the 
prominent  influence  of  St.  John's  Gospel  in  the  very  origin  of  the 
entire  cycle  of  catacomb  paintings,  and  extended  throughout  its 
development. 


The  Characteristic  of  St.  John's  Gospel,  and  its  Value  for 
Symbolism. 

It  is  an  easy  matter  now  to  point  out  the  peculiar  fitness  of  the 
Johannine  Gospel  as  a  source  for  themes  appropriate  for  the 
decoration  of  tombs.  As  has  been  so  frequently  noted,  the  dis- 
covery that  the  Fourth  Gospel  differs  greatly  from  the  Synoptics 
is  by  no  means  modern.  Clement  of  Alexandria  (150-220?)  in 
his  Hypotyposcs,  speaking  of  the  order  of  the  Gospels,  imparting 
information  which  he  says  he  obtained  from  the  "early  presby- 
ters", declares,  "Last  of  all  John,  perceiving  that  the  bodily  facts 
had  been  set  forth  in  the  Gospel  (i.  e.,  the  Synoptics),  at  the  in- 
stance of  his  disciples  and  with  the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
composed  a  spiritual  Gospel. "^"^    Eusebius,  probably  influenced  by 

'"' Tertullian  :   De  Baptismo  (c.  9). 
"'Justin  Martyr:    Trypho,  CXXXI. 
"'  Pitture,  Chap.  IX,  p.  i3off. 
"'/&/rf.,  p.  133. 
"*  In  Eusebius.    H.  E.,  VI,  14,  7. 


The  Early  Influence  of  the  Gospel  71 

Clement,  says  that  John  had  no  reason  to  begin  with  an  account 
of  the  genealogy  of  Our  Lord's  human  descent,  since  this 
had  already  been  written  by  Matthew  and  Luke,  but  began  with 
His  divinity,  as  though  this  had  been  reserved  for  him  by  the  Holy 
Spirit  as  one  greater  than  they.^^°  We  thus  have  the  character- 
istic of  the  Fourth  Gospel.  It  was  a  spiritual  Gospel,  and  set 
forth  the  divinity  and  mission  of  Christ  with  all  that  this  implies. 
The  Evangelist  plainly  declares  his  purpose  in  writing  the  Gospel 
when  he  says,  "But  these  things  are  written,  that  ye  may  believe 
that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  God ;  and  that  believing  ye 
may  have  life  in  his  name."^"  The  purpose  is  then  seen  to  be  a 
double  one,  to  show  (i)  that  Jesus  is  the  Son  of  God,  and  (2) 
to  afford  to  his  readers  eternal  life  through  their  belief  in  this 
divine  Christ.  He  presents  the  grandeur  of  the  person  of  Christ, 
and  "suggests  inward  experiences". 

In  composition  the  Gospel  is  exceedingly  artistic.  It  has  the 
dignity  of  a  Greek  tragedy,  and  also  its  movement.  Vivid  and 
concrete  touches  mark  its  artistic  characteristic.  All  of  the  inci- 
dents narrated,  selected  from  an  innumerable  list  for  the  pur- 
poses as  above  set  forth,  are  real  with  the  most  vivid  action. 
They  serve  as  texts  or  even  as  symbols  for  the  discourses  that 
accompany  them,  and  herein  is  seen  the  unique  value  of  the 
Gospel  for  symbolic  purposes.  It  furnished  not  only  the  thought 
or  rather  the  spiritual  truth  that  was  the  theme  to  be  symbolized, 
but  it  also  provided  in  direct  connection  with  it  a  concrete  picture 
in  which  it  plainly  said  that  the  truth  was  symbolized.  It 
provided  both  the  thought  and  the  concrete  expression  of  the 
thought."- 

""  Ibid.,  Ill,  24. 

^"Jn.  20:31. 

"'  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  parables  of  Christ  in  which  the 
Synoptic  Gospels  abound  are  decidedly  neglected  in  Catacomb  Art. 
Aside  from  those  of  the  Vine  and  the  Good  Shepherd,  which  are  of 
a  separate  class  and  probably  have  their  source  in  the  Fourth  Gospel, 
the  only  parable  treated  is  that  of  the  Wise  and  Foolish  Virgins  which 
is  depicted  only  in  the  fourth  century  twice,  or  probably  three  times. 
The  reason  for  this  is  evident.  Although  rich  in  thought  they  do  not 
lend  themselves  readily  to  symbolic,  pictorial  treatment  as  do  the  spec- 
tacular miracles  and  the  concrete  actions  and  discourses  of  the   Fourth 


^2  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

This  symbolic  characteristic  of  the  Gospel — the  employment  of 
concrete  expressions  to  convey  spiritual  truth — may  be  seen  most 
clearly  when  we  enumerate  a  few  of  the  more  striking  instances : 
Christ  is  declared  to  be  the  Word.  "In  him  was  life,  and  the  life 
was  the  Hght  of  men."  "And  the  Word  was  made  flesh  and 
dwelt  among  us."  "I  am  Ihe  light  of  the  world."  "Behold  the 
Lamb  of  God,  that  taketh  away  the  sin  of  the  world."  Christ 
provides  a  well  of  living  water,  springing  up  into  everlasting 
life.  John  the  Baptist  was  a  lamp.  "I  am  the  bread  of  life :  he 
that  Cometh  to  me  shall  never  hunger,  and  he  that  believeth  on 
me  shall  never  thirst."  "He  that  eateth  my  flesh  and  drinketh 
my  blood  hath  eternal  life;  and  I  will  raise  him  up  at  the  last 
day.  For  my  flesh  is  true  meat,  and  my  blood  is  true  drink." 
"The  words  that  I  have  spoken  unto  you  are  spirit,  and  are  life." 
"Ye  must  be  born  again."  "If  any  man  thirst,  let  him  come  unto 
me  and  drink."  "If  a  man  keep  my  word  he  shall  never  see 
death."  "I  am  the  good  shepherd."  "I  am  the  door  of  the 
sheep."  "I  and  the  Father  are  one."  "I  am  the  resurrection  and 
the  life."  "I  am  the  true  vine."  "Thou  sayest  that  I  am  a 
king."  "Everyone  that  is  of  the  truth  heareth  my  voice."  "Feed 
my  sheep." 

The  miracles  recorded  are  used  as  texts.  They  were  performed 


Gospel.  Their  action  is  spread  over  several  scenes,  and  cannot  be  en- 
compassed vv^ithin  a  single,  suggestive  picture.  In  the  case  of  the  story 
of  the  Prodigal  Son  the  artist  virould  naturally  deliberate  between  the 
scene  of  the  disgust  of  the  awakened  young  man,  meditating  on  his 
spendthrift  life  with  his  resolve  to  return  and  seek  forgiveness,  and  the 
scene  of  his  reception  to  his  father's  house.  The  parable  of  the  Sowing 
of  the  Seed  would  be  obviously  difficult  of  execution.  In  the  case  of 
the  story  of  the  Wedding  Feast  the  artist  might  hesitate  between 
depicting  one  of  the  scenes  of  urgent  invitation  and  the  incident  of 
the  casting  forth  of  the  guest  unprovided  with  the  wedding  garment,  etc. 
Further,  the  parables  were  not  appropriate  in  the  cycle  of  Catacomb 
Art.  They  did  not  illustrate  the  life  of  a  man  after  he  had  become  a 
Christian.  The  parables  were  addressed  to  men  who  were  not  Christians, 
and  warned  them  of  the  peril  of  neglecting  salvation,  but  were  not 
full  of  the  comfort  that  consoled  the  Christian  as  he  meditated  on  the 
Johannine  and  kindred  themes  in  Catacomb  Art  that  spoke  of  release 
from  pain  and  labor  and  sin,  of  communion  with  Christ,  of  the  resur- 
rection, and  of  eternal  life. 


The  Early  Influence  of  the  Uospel  73 

for  a  purpose,  and  set  forth  spiritual  truth,  which  is  directly 
expounded.  Hence  their  value  for  symbolism  is  apparent,  and  this 
in  itself  furnishes  a  strong  a  priori  argument  for  regarding  the 
Gospel  as  the  source  for  miracle  scenes  portrayed  in  the  frescoes 
that  John  narrates  in  common  with  the  other  Evangelists,  but 
which  on  strictly  archaeological  grounds  cannot  be  assigned  to 
the  Fourth  Gospel. 

Historical  fact  was  very  important  to  St.  John.  He  declared 
that  what  he  narrated  was  true,  but  in  these  facts  he  saw  a 
hidden  meaning.  To  him  they  were  rich  in  symbolic  concept  and 
here  we  may  again  see  the  reason  why  the  second  century  Church 
delighted  to  select  striking,  vivid  themes  from  this  "spiritual 
Gospel",  as  forms  in  which  were  symbolized  the  beliefs  which 
gave  comfort  in  this  life  and  hope  for  the  life  which  is  to  come. 

The  other  Gospels  were  biographies  of  a  kind.  In  contracted 
form  they  set  forth  the  chief  events  of  the  life  of  Christ,  and  be- 
cause of  their  abbreviated  and  similar  form  they  have  been  known 
as  "synopses".  John  accepted  them,  bore  witness  to  their 
truth,  as  Eusebius  declares,  and  added  to  their  narrative,  "what 
was  done  by  Christ  at  first  and  at  the  beginning  of  his  preach- 
ing."^^^  This  much  he  added  to  their  narrative,  to  their  biography, 
but  he  made  his  Gospel  different  from  theirs.  He  made  it  spirit- 
ual, not  in  the  sense  that  the  first  three  Gospels  are  not  spiritual, 
but  that  John  gave  to  his  writing  a  quality  that  is  lacking  in  the 
others,  that  is  entirely  distinctive.  It  is  partly  a  matter  of  degree, 
and  degree  to  such  an  extent  that  the  last  Gospel  is  by  pre- 
eminence known  as  the  spiritual  Gospel. 

This  fact  would,  in  itself,  particularly  commend  it  for  all 
things  that  have  to  do  with  the  future  life,  which  is  entirely 
spiritual  and  nothing  else.  This  fact  also  makes  it  most  emphat- 
ically Christian,  and  early  Christian,  since  there  is  no  feature 
of  early  Christianity  more  marked  than  life  in  immediate  relation 
to  the  Spirit.  In  the  apostolic  age  men  were  baptized,  not  only 
with  water,  but  also  with  Holy  Spirit,  which  was  a  real  ex- 
perience resulting  in  a  state  of  life.^^*    The  consistent  teaching  of 

"'Eusebius :  H.  E.,  Ill,  24. 

"*The  reminiscence  of  this  is  seen  in  the  later  ideas  that  arose  as 
to  the  medicinal  value  of  baptism — a  remedy  for  the  sins  of  one's  soul 


74  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

the  New  Testament  is  to  the  effect  that  the  Christian  Hfe  is  a 
unity.  From  the  time  of  baptism,  from  then  extending  through- 
out all  eternity,  the  Christian  by  reason  of  God's  grace  and  his 
acceptance  of  Christ's  mercy  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  continues  in  an 
existence,  divided  indeed  by  death  in  a  real  way,  but  yet  as 
far  as  its  spiritual  reality  is  concerned,  the  same.  As  then  this 
spiritual  life  is  continuous,  in  which  death  is  apparently  an  epi- 
sode serving  to  release  the  soul  from  imperfections  and  the  en- 
vironment of  sin  and  to  introduce  it  into  the  perfect  Kingdom  of 
God,  there  can  be  no  reason  a  priori  for  giving  too  much  emphasis 
to  the  idea  of  physical  death  in  the  origin  period  of  the  catacomb 
paintings,  although  to  be  sure  death  was  as  prominent  a  fact  then 
as  it  is  now.  But  it  might  be  better  to  think  of  them  rather  as 
having  to  do  with  Christian  life,  meaning  by  this  the  whole  con- 
tinuity of  the  Christian  life.  As  has  been  emphasized,  the  cata- 
combs were  places  of  burial.  They  were  sepulchres,  and  there- 
fore in  examining  the  paintings  that  adorn  them  we  must  recog- 
nize this  feature.  But  in  their  early  period  at  least  it  will  be 
well  to  modify  this  element  to  the  place  that  it  really  held 
in  the  mind  of  the  Church  in  its  concept  of  the  whole  of  life. 
The  paintings  then  were  sepulchral,  but  sepulchral  in  the  sense 
that  they  had  to  do  with  life.  This  life  was  spiritual  in  the 
uniquely  Christian  sense.  It  is  easy  to  see,  then,  from  what  has 
been  said  of  the  characteristic  of  St.  John's  Gospel,  how  it  would 
lend  itself  to  the  mind  of  him  who  wished  to  express  in  the  decora- 
tion of  his  dear  one's  tomb  the  fact  that  the  Saviour  of  mankind 
gives  to  those  who  believe  on  Him  everlasting  life. 

Accordingly  we  see  the  Gospel  used  as  a  source  for  themes  in 
the  Roman  catacombs  soon  after  it  was  circulated  in  the  West, 
and  directly  after  it  was  written,  as  one  would  naturally  expect. 
We  find  it  in  Rome  early  in  the  second  century,  if  not  in  the  end  of 
the  first,  and  in  such  wide  distribution,  as  outlined  above,  that  we 
are  impelled  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  enthusiastically  re- 
ceived and  at  once  exerted  wide  influence. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  symbolic  nature  of  Early  Christian 
Art   furnishes   the   presupposition  that  a   Gospel   whose  leading 

that  might  be  taken  only  once,  hence  advisedly  delayed  in  application 
until  in  extremis,  when  there  could  be  no  further  chance  for  sin. 


TJic  Early  Influence  of  the  Gospel  75 

characteristic  is  the  presentation  of  spiritual  truth  in  concrete 
form  would  be  eagerly  acclaimed  and  extensively  utilized  as  a 
source  for  pictorial  themes.  This  presupposition  is  confirmed 
by  the  fact,  as  previously  presented  in  archaeological  detail. 
Themes  were  selected  preferably  from  St.  John's  Gospel  for  por- 
trayal in  the  catacomb  frescoes.  They  were  themes  that  pre- 
sented the  Christian  life  as  spiritual  and  as  eternal.  Death,  the 
obvious,  pathetic  fact  of  the  catacombs,  might  indeed  strike 
down  a  man,  but  that  did  not  mean  that  all  was  ended.  The  man 
who  had  been  baptized  with  water  and  with  the  Spirit,  within 
whom  was  a  fountain  of  living  water,  who  had  partaken  of 
the  true  Bread  which  had  come  down  from  Heaven  and  of  the 
true  drink,  even  the  blood  of  the  Son  of  God  and  Man,  who  had 
partaken  of  the  eucharistic  fish,  who  belonged  to  the  flock  of 
the  Good  Shepherd,  and  was  united  to  Christ  as  a  branch  to  the 
vine,  who  had  been  healed  from  his  sins  and  delivered  from 
his  afflictions  as  were  the  paralytic,  the  blind  man,  the  lepers 
and  the  woman  with  an  issue  of  blood  from  their  infirmities, — 
such  a  man  was  assured  that  though  he  might  die,  he  also  would 
one  day  rise  again  as  did  Lazarus.  Such  considerations  ex- 
plain and  confirm  the  wide  influence  of  the  Gospel  in  the  thought 
of  the  Roman  Church  at  such  an  early  date. 


III.    ST.  JOHN'S  GOSPEL  THE  KEY  TO  EUCHARISTIC 

SYMBOLISM. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  early  history  of  the  Eucharist  is  by  no 
means  satisfactory.^^"  Notwithstanding  the  earnest  investiga- 
tions of  numerous  scholars  the  definite  results  attained  are  painfully 
meagre.  So  it  has  come  to  be  regarded  as  a  barren  field  for  in- 
quiry. Skillful  deductions  may  be  and  have  been  drawn  regard- 
ing the  development  of  the  service  from  the  informal  meal  by 
which  it  was  instituted,  into  the  splendid  liturgical  feast  made 
necessary  by  the  demand  of  the  growing  church  for  an  orderly 
and  dignified  mode  of  worship.  Its  relations  with  the  Agape,  or 
Love  Feast,  have  been  studied,  as  well  as  the  abuses  in  the  latter 
which  led  to  its  final  suppression.  The  literary  evidence  has 
been  thoroughly  exhausted  in  these  investigations,  and  scarcely 
anybody  has  had  his  curiosity  satisfied,  and  probably  never  will. 

The  apostle  Paul,  in  his  first  letter  to  the  Corinthian  church, 
called  the  feast  the  "Lord's  Supper",  and  implies  the  practice 
of  each  person's  partaking  ad  libitum,  as  at  an  ordinary  meal. 
Yet  he  regards  it  as  a  real  religious  service,  to  be  conducted  as 
such,  and  draws  a  distinction  between  the  private  houses  of  the 
Christians,  and  the  "church",  or  corporate  "congregation".^^" 
Ignatius  of  Antioch  was  very  anxious  for  order  in  the  Church, 
so  he  wrote,  "Let  that  be  deemed  a  proper  Eucharist,  which  is 
(administered)  either  by  a  bishop,  or  by  one  to  whom  he  has  en- 
trusted it."^^'^  Justin  Martyr  tells  us  most  about  the  service  in  the 
second  century.  His  passage  on  the  subject  is  worth  quotation. 
After  having  discussed  the  deep  import  of  Christian  baptism  and 
its  imitation  by  devils,  he  proceeds :  "But  we,  after  we  have  thus 
washed  him  who  has  been  convinced,  and  has  assented  to  our 

"•  From  evxapiorTCLV,  to  give  thanks.  It  early  took  its  name  from  the 
expression  of  thanksgiving  that  was  one  of  its  marked  features.  Cf.  Lk. 
22  :i9,  I  Cor.  ii  :24. 

"'I  Cor.  II  :  17-34.  Iri  v.  22,  fir)  yap  oi/ctas  ovk  Ix^re  €ts  to  ecrOiCLV  koi 
irivuv  ;    ^  t^s  fKK\7](ria<;  tov  deov  KaTa<f}pov€iT€ ; 

"Mrf.  Smyr.,  8.     Cf.  also  chap.  ?■ 


The  Origin  of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  yy 

teaching,  bring  him  to  the  place  where  those  who  are  called 
brethren  are  assembled,  in  order  that  we  may  offer  hearty  prayers 
in  common  for  ourselves  and  for  the  illuminated  person  (i.  e.,  the 
baptized)  and  for  all  others  in  every  place,  that  we  may  be  counted 
worthy,  now  that  we  have  learned  the  truth,  by  our  works  also 
to  be  found  good  citizens  and  keepers  of  the  commandments,  so 
that  we  may  be  saved  with  an  everlasting  salvation.  Having 
ended  the  prayers,  we  salute  one  another  with  a  kiss.  Then  is 
brought  to  that  one  of  the  brethren  who  is  presiding  bread  and 
a  cup  of  wine  mixed  with  water ;  and  he  taking  them,  gives 
praise  and  glory  to  the  Father  of  the  universe,  through  the 
name  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  offers  thanks  at 
considerable  length  for  our  being  covmted  worthy  to  receive  these 
things  at  His  hands.  And  when  he  has  concluded  the  prayers  and 
thanksgivings,  all  the  people  present  express  their  assent  by 
saying  Amen.  This  word  Amen  answers  in  the  Hebrew  language 
to  yevoiTo.  And  when  the  president  has  given  thanks,  and  all  the 
people  have  expressed  their  assent,  those  who  are  called  by  us 
deacons  give  to  each  of  those  present  to  partake  of  the  bread 
and  wine  mixed  with  water  over  which  the  thanksgiving  was 
pronounced,  and  to  those  who  were  absent  they  carry  away  a  por- 
tion. 

"And  this  food  is  called  among  us  E{i;^apt(7Tia  (Eucharist), 
of  which  no  one  is  allowed  to  partake  but  the  man  who  believes 
that  the  things  which  we  teach  are  true,  and  who  has  been  washed 
with  the  washing  that  is  for  the  remission  of  sins,  and  unto  regen- 
eration, and  who  is  so  living  as  Christ  has  enjoined.  For  not  as 
common  bread  and  common  drink  do  we  receive  these ;  but  in  like 
manner  as  Jesus  Christ  Our  Saviour,  having  been  made  flesh  by 
the  Word  of  God,  had  both  flesh  and  blood  for  our  salvation,  so 
likewise  have  we  been  taught  that  the  food  which  is  blessed  by  the 
prayer  of  His  word,  and  from  which  our  blood  and  flesh  by 
transmutation  are  nourished,  is  the  flesh  and  blood  of  that 
Jesus  who  was  made  flesh.  For  the  apostles,  in  the  memoirs  com- 
posed by  them,  which  are  called  Gospels,  have  thus  delivered  unto 
us  what  was  enjoined  upon  them ;  that  Jesus  took  bread,  and  when 
He  had  given  thanks,  said,  "This  do  ye  in  remembrance  of  Me, 


/S  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

this  is  My  body;"  and  that,  after  the  same  manner,  having  taken 
the  cup  and  given  thanks,  He  said,  "This  is  My  blood:"  and  gave 
it  to  them  alone.  Which  the  wicked  devils  have  imitated  in  the 
mysteries  of  Mithras,  commanding  the  same  thing  to  be  done. 
For,  that  bread  and  and  a  cup  of  water  are  placed  with  certain  in- 
cantations in  the  mystic  rites  of  one  who  is  being  initiated,  you 
know  or  can  learn.""^ 

From  this  narrative  in  Justin  we  observe  that  the  Eucharist 
is  regarded  as  a  distinct  religious  service,  modeled  on  the  ac- 
count in  the  Gospels,  that  it  is  divorced  from  the  Agape,  at 
least  in  some  sections  of  the  Church,  and  that  the  elements  used 
are  bread  and  "wine  mixed  with  water".  Such  are  the  things  that 
the  literature  of  the  period  tells  us  of  the  essential  features  of 
the  sacrament.  Students  of  liturgy  have  continued  from  this 
point  to  trace  the  scanty  evidences  of  a  developing  canon  of  the 
mass.  It  is  easier  to  find  this  in  a  fully  developed  state  than  to 
mark  the  stages  in  its  development.  But  such  study  does  not  con- 
cern us  here.  It  is  sufficient  to  note  what  information  a  represen- 
tative post-apostolic  Father  gives  us  concerning  current  belief 
and  practice. 

It  is  now  to  be  observed  that  the  correct  and  formal  expression 
regarding  the  sacrament  as  given  in  literature  does  not  correspond 
with  that  revealed  by  Archaeology.  New  information  from  a 
different  source  is  introduced  regarding  the  theme.  While  by 
no  means  conflicting  with  the  literary  sources  Archaeology 
presents  the  matter  to  us  in  an  entirely  different  and  addition- 
al way.  It  treats  the  Eucharist  symbolically  instead  of  in  the 
philosophical  or  doctrinal  or  historical  manner  of  the 
Fathers.  It  gives  us  the  popular  thought  on  the  subject,  ex- 
pressed objectively  in  symbols.  As  is  the  case  with  symbols, 
any  man  may  derive  thought  from  them  according  to  the  wealth 
of  his  knowledge  and  the  fertility  of  his  suggestive  processses. 
But  a  careful  consideration  of  the  symbolical  representations 
of  this  theme  in  Early  Roman  Catacomb  Art  will  show  that  the 

"^ApoL.  65,  66ff.  Tr.  Dods  and  Reith.  Other  references  in  the  Fathers 
are,  Justin  M. :  Trypho,  41,  117;  Irenaeus :  Adv.  Hacres.,  4:18,  4,  5;  Clem. 
Alex.:  Strom.,  1:5,  4:132;  Origen :  C.  Celsum,  8:57. 


The  Origin  of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  79 

key  to  their  understanding,  as  well  as  to  their  origin,lies  in  St. 
John's  Gospel. 

A  presentation  of  the  evidence  for  this  assertion  is  now  in  order. 
Briefly,  it  consists  in  the  fact  that  a  series  of  paintings  i»f  the 
second  century  gives  to  us  a  scene  of  the  following  characteris- 
tics: Seven  persons  reclining  at  a  table  of  the  sigma  shape  are 
depicted  partaking  of  a  meal  at  which  are  served  loaves  of  bread 
and  fish,  and  a  flask  of  wine  is  included  in  several  instances. 
In  the  foreground,  or  on  either  side  are  grouped  seven  baskets 
heaped  with  loaves  of  bread. ^^^  (These  loaves  were  of  the  ordin- 
ary variety.  They  resemble  the  modern  breakfast  roll.  The 
four  corners  were  turned  over,  so  that  when  baked  the  de- 
pressions on  the  top  presented  the  lines  of  a  cross.  More  has  been 
made  of  this  than  is  warranted,  though  the  Christian  surely  recog- 
nized with  joy  the  sign  of  his  salvation  imprinted  on  his  daily 
bread.) 

Such  are  the  pronounced  features  of  this  cycle  of  paintings 
which,  upon  discovery,  drew  to  it  universal  attention.  To  be  sure, 
the  pictures  vary  in  detail.  Thus,  while  bread  and  fish  are  visible 
in  each  scene,  the  wine  flask  is  not.  Indeed  it  occurs  only  in  the 
first  one  of  the  series,  the  Fractio  Panis  in  the  Greek  Chapel  of  the 
catacomb  of  Priscilla  (PI.  lb,  Mai.,  PI.  15-1,  Fractio  Panis, 
PI.  XIII-XIV),  and  in  two  allied  paintings  in  the  Crypt  of  Lucina 
(PI.  Vila,  Villa,  Mai.,  PI.  27-1,  28).  Loaves  of  bread  served 
with  the  fish  (aside  from  the  baskets)  are  absent  in  several 
cases,  as  in  the  Sacrament  Chapels  A2  and  A3  in  the  catacomb  of 
Callixtus  (PI.  lie,  Vic,  Mai.,  PI.  27-2;  41-3).  The  number  feast- 
ing is  always  seven,though  in  the  Fractio  Panis  one  is  a  woman. 
The  number  of  baskets  of  loaves  is  seven  in  all  cases  except  two, 
in  one  of  which  the  artist  increased  the  number  to  eight  because 

""  The  list  is  as  follows :  Greek  Chapel,  PL  lb ;  Fractio  Panis,  PI.  XIII- 
XIV;  Mai.,  PI.  15-1  allP,  PI.  Vila,  Villa;  Mai.,  PI.  27-1,  28  1/2IIL. 
PI.  Via,  c;  Mai,  PI.  41-1,  3  2/2IIC  Sacr.  Cap.  A3,  PI.  lie,  Va;  Mai.,  27-2, 
38  2/2IIC  Sacr.  Cap.  A2,  PI.  lib;  Mai.  15-2  wIIC  Sacr.  Cap.  A6,  PI. 
VId;  Mai.,  41-4  wIIC  Sacr.  Cap.  A5,  Alte  Copien,  PL  XV  i  (?)vM, 
?2/2lIC  Sacr.  Cap.  A3  Cf.  Sacr.  Cap.  A2,  PL  Va.,  MaL,  265,  267-1  i/^IV 
Via  Latina.  Also  PL  Vllb ;  MaL,  57  1/2IIIP&M  Double  cu.,  MaL,  105-2 
oIIIP&M  Cu.  33  (?),  PI.  IVb;  MaL,  186-1  i/,IVP&M  Cry.  of  Wine 
Miracle. 


8o  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

seven  violated  the  law  of  symmetry  in  his  painting,  and  in  the 
other  instance  twelve  were  painted,  doubtless  to  fill  a  larger  space. 
(The  Gospel  narratives  of  the  two  miracles  of  multiplication  of 
loaves  and  fishes  unite  in  saying  that  on  the  one  occasion  seven, 
and  on  the  other,  twelve  baskets  of  fragments  were  collected.) 

Besides  this  series  of  banqueting  scenes  there  are  several  pic- 
tures which  contain  the  more  suggestive  of  these  features  in 
emphatic  portrayal.  In  the  Crypt  of  Lucina  in  the  catacomb  of 
Callixtus  are  two  celebrated  similar  paintings.  They  are  on 
the  same  stucco,  the  middle  section  of  which  has  been  destroyed, 
possibly  by  such  a  collector  of  antiquities  as  d'Agincourt.  Each 
picture  consists  of  a  single  basket  filled  with  loaves,  and  in 
front  of  it  is  a  large  fish,  and  within  the  basket  is  a  flask  of  wine 
(PI.  Vila,  Villa,  Mai,  PI.  27-1,  28  1/2IIL).  In  the  Sacrament 
Chapel  A3  of  the  catacomb  of  CalHxtus  (PI.  Via,  Mal.,  PI. 
41-1  2/2IIC)  a  man  stands  beside  a  tripod  on  which  is  a  fish  and 
possibly  loaves,  and  extends  his  arms  to  touch  it,  while  on  the 
other  side  stands  a  veiled  orant,  or  figure  with  arms  upraised  in 
prayer.  In  the  Sacrament  Chapels  A2  and  A3^-'^  are  also  painted 
tripods  with  fish  laid  upon  them,  and  seven  baskets  of  loaves 
grouped  about  them  (PI.  Va,  Mal.,  PI.  38  2/2IIC).  This  series  of 
paintings  belongs  entirely  to  the  second  century,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  painting  in  the  catacomb  under  the  Vigna  Massimo, 
now  destroyed  and  which  therefore  cannot  be  dated  accurately, 
and  one  in  the  anonymous  hypogeum  on  the  Via  Latina  which 
belongs  to  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  (The  reason  this 
painting,  though  late,  is  included  in  the  series  is  because  it  is  evi- 
dently a  representation  of  the  feeding  of  the  multitude.). 

It  is  very  true  that  in  the  catacombs  there  are  painted  scenes 
of  eating  other  than  those  mentioned  above.  There  are  several 
portrayals  of  the  marriage  feast  at  Cana  of  Galilee,  which  will 
be  seen  to  be  deeply  allied  to  the  Eucharistic  series,  or  rather 
being  an  essential  component  part  of  it,  a  third  century  develop- 
ment.    There  are  also  various  scenes  of  feasting  at  which  bread 

"*A  series  of  five  chapels  of  the  second  century,  all  in  the  same  gallery 
of  the  catacomb  of  Callixtus  are  known  as  the  "Sacrament  Chapels", 
because  they  contain  paintings  in  which  the  two  sacraments  of  baptism  and 
the  Eucharist  are  either  depicted  or  symbolized. 


Platk  VIII.     FKt)i\i   Wilpert's  Malereien. 


TJie  Origin  of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  8i 

and  fish  and  wine  are  served,  and  in  some  cases  the  number  of 
those  feasting  is  seven.  But  the  baskets  of  loaves  are  lacking,  and 
the  presence  of  servants,  as  well  as  accompanying  inscriptions, 
rightly  caused  Wilpert  to  regard  these  as  in  a  class  by  themselves 
which  he  labels  "funeral  banquets",  or  feasts  kept  in  memory  of 
and  on  the  anniversary  of  the  death  or  deposition  of  the  deceased. 
This  was  a  universal  pagan  custom.  In  some  cases  the  feasts 
were  endowed,  provision  having  been  made  for  them  in  the 
wills  of  the  defunct.  Likewise  the  dues  that  members  of  burial 
societies  paid  assured  them  not  only  of  decent  burial,  i.  e.,  in 
columbaria,  but  also  that  the  anniversaries  of  their  deaths  would 
be  observed  with  funeral  feasts.  The  custom  was  followed  by 
the  Christians.  It  accounts  for  the  fact  that  epitaphs  almost 
invariably  give  the  day  of  the  deposition,  such  as  DEPOSITVS 
EST  IIII  KAL  SEPT,  whereas  we  could  much  prefer  that  they 
give  the  names  of  the  consuls  of  the  year  in  which  the  person 
died.  The  first  one  of  these  funeral  banquet  pictures  dates, 
indeed,  from  the  first  century  (Mai,  PI.  7-1  2/2  ID).  Its  date  is 
earlier  than  the  origin  of  eucharistic  symbolism,  earlier  possibly 
than  St.  John's  Gospel.  But  it  is  rightly  identified  as  a  funeral 
feast.  Perhaps  it  would  be  better  to  term  all  these  Christian 
funeral  feasts  Agapes,  or  Love  Feasts.  As  painted  in  the  cata- 
combs they  were  intended  to  be  more  or  less  realistic.  Yet 
they  were  in  a  sense  symbolic,  for  they  symbolized  the  bliss  of 
the  deceased  in  heaven. 

Further,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  loaves  and  baskets  of  bread 
and  fish  and  wine  flasks  and  jars  occur  in  Catacomb  Art  in  many 
instances  not  enumerated  above.  The  baskets  of  bread,  seven  in 
number,  form  the  characteristic  element  of  the  cycle  of  the  miracle 
of  the  multiplication  of  loaves.  Christ  stands  in  the  midst  of  the 
baskets,  or  to  one  side,  and  touches  them  with  His  wand,  the  rod 
of  power.  There  are  twenty-eight  instances  in  the  frescoes  dating 
form  the  first  half  of  the  third  century,  though  most  of  them  are 
of  the  fourth,  and  the  theme  is  very  common  in  the  reliefs  on  the 
sarcophagi.  Wine  amphoras  are  common,  though  it  is  not  clear 
that  in  all  instances  they  have  a  symbolic  meaning.^^^     They  are 

""  Pitture,  p.  280. 


82  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

evidently  merely  decorative  details  in  several  instances,  though 
symbolic  in  others.  (Any  man  who  wished  might  see  in  them 
symbolism  of  the  Eucharistic  wine  if  he  so  desired,  just  as  the 
theme  of  doves  drinking  from  a  vase  may  have  had  a  meaning 
to  him  and  a  purpose,  different  from  its  common  pagan  usage 
in  wall  decoration.)  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  cross-marked 
loaves,  and  the  fish  possessd  a  well-defined  symbolic  meaning 
in  their  representations  on  sarcophagi  and  inscriptions  of  an 
early  date.  It  will  be  evident  directly  that  this  symbolism  was 
in  great  degree  Eucharistic,  and  that  the  representations  are  in 
intimate  connection  with  the  series  enumerated  above. 

Concerning  this  series,  then,  when  we  consider  the  details 
of  these  paintings  we  are  assured  that  they  are  symbolic  in  intent. 
Baskets  of  bread  and  loaves  and  fish,  and  in  two  instances  wine, 
seven  persons  seated  at  the  feast,  these  are  features  that  demand 
investigation  from  the  point  of  view  of  symbolism.  If  other 
viands  aside  from  bread  and  fish  and  wine  were  served,  if  the 
baskets  of  bread  were  absent,  we  might  readily  persuade  our- 
selves that  in  these  paintings  we  have  simply  realistic  scenes  of 
feasting.  Even  the  absence  of  the  wine  in  all  but  the  earliest 
of  the  series  is  significant.^-^  Knowing  what  we  do  of  the  reign 
of  symbolism  in  the  entire  field  of  Catacomb  Painting,  and,  indeed, 
of  Early  Christian  Art,  it  is  not  difficult  to  decide  that  here 
we  have  a  cycle  of  symbolic  representations,  the  origin  and  mean- 
ing of  which  must  be  accounted  for. 

Seven  persons  recline  at  these  feasts.  This  is  significant, 
though  whether  it  symbolizes  anything  in  particular  may  be 
questioned.     The  couch  was  of  the  sigma  shape,  and  not  the 

^  Wilpert,  indeed,  assures  us  that  in  the  Fractio  Panis  we  have  sym- 
bolism combined  with  realism,  and  to  a  certain  extent  he  is  correct. 
The  figures  are  lifelike,  and  their  actions  are  natural  in  artistic  portrayal. 
But  to  say  that  in  the  bearded  man  at  the  end  who  seems  to  be  in  the 
act  of  breaking  a  loaf  of  bread,  we  have  the  liturgical  act  of  consecration 
of  the  Eucharistic  elements  is  carrying  the  realism  a  little  too  far.  Cer- 
tainly the  informal  and  indifferent  attitudes  of  the  other  persons  would 
hardly  warrant  the  supposition  that  they  are  aware  of  the  seriousness 
of  an  actual  service.  In  some  respects  the  painting  is  realistic.  But 
symbolism  is  more  evident.  The  presence  of  the  seven  baskets  makes 
this  certain.    So  it  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  it  must  be  studied. 


The  Origin  of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  83 

triclinium,  which  ordinarily  accomodated  nine  persons.  The 
shape  of  the  couch  may  account  for  the  smaller  number,  for  in 
each  instance  its  accomodation  seems  to  be  completely  taken. 
The  number  seven  then  probably  means  simply  that  a  company 
of  people  of  indefinite  number  was  feasting. 

Yet  the  fact  that  seven  are  represented  naturally  recalls  the 
scene  by  the  Lake  of  Galilee,  in  which  Jesus  after  His  passion 
and  resurrection  appeared  to  seven  of  the  disciples  and  served 
a  breakfast  to  them  on  the  sea  shore,  consisting  of  fish  and  bread. 
This  incident  is  narrated  only  by  St.  John  (chap.  21).  But  it  is 
impossible  to  regard  this  as  the  source  for  the  paintings,  with  one 
exception.  Baskets  of  loaves  as  a  rule  are  grouped  before  or 
beside  the  table.  But  there  is  no  mention  of  baskets  of  loaves 
in  the  scene  by  Galilee.  One  hundred  and  fifty-three  fishes 
were  heaped  on  the  shore,  but  no  baskets  of  bread  were  there. ^^^ 
Yet  in  one  painting  Wilpert  and  others  identify  the  meal  by  the 
Sea  of  Tiberias  (PI.  lie,  Mai.,  PI.  27-2  2/2IIC  Sacr.  Cap. 
A2).  The  reasons  are,  (i)  that  the  baskets  of  loaves  are  lacking, 
(2)  that  the  seven  men  are  naked  (according  to  custom,  having 
been  engaged  in  fishing),  and  (3)  that  the  scene  is  directly 
beside  a  picture  of  a  fisherman  seated  on  the  bank  in  the  act  of 
drawing  his  line  from  the  water,  that  is  to  say,  in  accordance 
with  the  well  known  rule  the  artist  caused  the  beholder  to  under- 
stand the  eating  scene  as  being  on  the  sea  shore  by  the  simple 
artifice  of  placing  it  immediately  beside  a  picture  in  which  water 

is  evidently  represented.  This  device  is  frequent  in  Catacomb 
Art.124 


^The  presence  of  the  baskets  of  loaves  is  sufficient  reason.  Another 
IS  that  in  the  first  painting  of  the  series,  the  Fractio  Panis,  one  of  the 
number  is  a  woman,  whereas  the  company  by  the  sea  shore  were  all  men. 
This  is  obvious  from  the  text,  Jn.  21  :  2,  kol  aXXoi.  Ik  twv  fMaOrjTwv  avrov 
8vo.  It  is  useless  for  anyone  to  advance  the  theory  that  one  of  these  two 
may  have  been  one  of  the  celebrated  women  of  Jesus'  company,  and  that  in 
the  Fractio  Panis  we  have  the  fact  revealed.  These  two  were  both 
apostles.  Besides  the  improbability  of  a  woman's  being  on  the  fishing  boat, 
if  one  had  been  a  woman,  the  Evangelist  would  undoubtedly  have  said  so. 

'^  This  identification  of  the  painting  is  denied  by  Prof.  L.  von  Sybel  of 
Marburg.  He  thinks  Wilpert  et  al.  have  made  a  mistake  in  observation : 
"Die  Figuren  sind  nur  im  Gesamtschema  angegeben,  ohne  Differenzierung 


84  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

The  fact  that  baskets  of  loaves  are  depicted  in  these  scenes 
permits  only  one  interpretation.  Connection  with  the  miracles 
of  the  multiplication  of  loaves  and  fishes  was  intended.  The  ex- 
treme importance  of  the  accident  that  fishes  were  multiplied 
as  well  as  loaves  will  be  evident  shortly.  Suffice  it  to  say  that 
it  is  fundamental  for  the  understanding  of  the  fish  symbol.  Any 
person  looking  upon  one  of  these  pictures  was  supposed  to  re- 
gard as  an  essential  detail  the  miracles  which  the  pictures  sug- 
gested, and  which  the  bread  and  fish  upon  the  platters  further 
represented.  Indeed,  aside  from  the  pictures  in  which  wine 
flasks  are  included,  these  paintings  may  well  be  regarded  as  in- 
tending to  suggest  these  miracles,  not  by  realistic  portrayal,  but 
by  symbolic  treatment  of  the  details  (the  seven  persons  represent- 
ing the  multitude,  for  instance).^-' 

Regarding  the  bread  and  fish  served  at  these  feasts,  it  must 
be  observed  emphatically  that  they  are  symbolic.  The  question 
may  well  be  raised,  why  are  no  other  viands  permitted?  Why 
no  other  kinds  of  meat,  why  no  vegetables?  It  is  not  sufficient 
to  answer  that  bread  and  fish  were  the  common  diet  of  the  lower 
orders  throughout  the  Roman  Empire.  The  populace  was  also 
fond  of  vegetables,  of  mutton  and  other  meat,  of  olives  and  fruits, 
even  in  Galilee  where  the  miracles  of  multiplication  were  per- 
formed (if  realism  were  intended  in  the  paintings ).^^®  It  will 
be  pertinent  directly  to  inquire  why  liquid  refreshment  is  lacking 
(save  in  the  instances  noted).     It  is  sufficient  to  say  here  that  by 

von  Korper  und  Bekleidung ;  daher  das  Missverstandnis,  die  Gaste  seien 
nackte  Fischer,  und  es  sei  das  Mahl  der  sieben  Jiinger  am  See  Tiberias 
dargestellt  (nach  Job.  21).  Die  Siebenzabl  der  Gaste  ist  doch  nur  die 
typiscbe.  Aucb  bas  Feblen  der  Brotkorbe  bat  nicbts  zu  bedeuten ;  konnte 
es  in  irgend  einer  Ricbtung  beweisen,  so  spracbe  es  fiir  das  simple  Seligen- 
mabl." — Christliche  Antike,  p.  204. 

"^  Von  Sybel  points  out  furtber  tbat  tbe  scene  is  not  realistically  treated, 
because  if  sucb  were  tbe  case  the  seven  persons  representing  the  multi- 
tude should  not  be  depicted  as  seated  properly  at  a  sigma  table,  but 
should  be  lolling  upon  tbe  green  grass,  and  the  baskets  should  be  filled 
with  fragments  and  not  with  whole  loaves. — Ibid.,  p.  202. 

"'  The  fact  that  symbolism  was  intended  is  confirmed  by  the  assertion 
that  fish  was  sometimes  synonymous  with  food  (more  particularly  cooked 
food).  Cf.  Plutarch,  Symp.,  4,  4,  2.  ttoXXwv  ovrwv  oij/o)v  iKvevtKrjo-ev  6  l)(Ov<i 
fA6vo<;  ^  fxaXtcTTd  ye  oif/ov  KaXuadai. 


The  Origin  of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  85 

the  fact  that  bread  and  fish  alone  are  used,  the  symbolic  nature 
of  the  paintings  is  confirmed. 

Since,  then,  it  appears  that  the  bread  and  fish  are  symbolic, 
and  that  the  baskets  of  bread  localize  the  symbolism  with  the 
multiplication  miracles,  we  are  in  a  position  to  explain  the  signi- 
ficance of  the  symbolism/'^  It  consists  in  this  fact,  that  the  ac- 
count of  the  miracle  of  the  multiplication  of  loaves  and  fishes 
in  St.  John's  Gospel  is  followed  immediately  by  the  so-called 
Eucharistic  discourse  of  Jesus  (Jn.  6:1-71).  The  incidents  are 
in  direct  and  intimate  connection.  The  discourse  is  presented 
as  a  result  of  the  miracle,  and,  in  a  sense,  an  explanation  of  it. 
The  miracle  served  as  an  occasion  and  a  text  for  the  discourse. 

The  multitude  was  so  enthusiastic  over  the  miracle,  of  which 
they  had  been  beneficiaries,  that  they  had  decided  that  it  would  be 
the  part  of  wisdom  to  make  Jesus  king.  An  individual  of  such 
power  as  He  evidently  possessed  could  not  only  head  a  successful 
sedition  against  the  Roman  rule,  but  would  have  no  difficulty  in 
provisioning  his  army  and  providing  comforts  for  his  subjects. 
To  avoid  their  importunities  Jesus  escaped  from  the  multitude 
by  crossing  the  lake,  and  came  to  Capernaum.  Here  he  was  dis- 
covered by  the  people  on  the  following  day,  and  here  He  pro- 
nouned  the  extraordinary  discourse  on  the  Bread  of  Life.  He 
began  with  the  criticism,  "Ye  seek  me,  not  because  ye  saw  signs, 
but  because  ye  ate  of  the  loaves  and  were  filled.     Work  not  for 


"'Two  distinct  miracles  are  recorded  in  the  Gospels.  All  four  evangel- 
ists tell  of  the  one  in  which  5000  or  more  men  were  fed  on  five  loaves 
and  two  fishes  and  twelve  baskets  of  fragments  were  taken  up.  Mt.  14: 
15-21,  Mk.  6:41-45,  Lk.  9:10-17,  Jn.  6:1-14.  Matthew  and  Mark  alone 
give  the  account  of  4000  persons  being  fed  on  seven  loaves  and  a  few 
little  fishes,  upon  which  occasion  seven  baskets  of  fragments  were  taken 
up.  Mt.  15:29-39,  Mk.  8:1-9.  (Wilpert,  strange  to  say,  seems  ignorant 
of  the  narrative  in  Mk.  "Questa  e  narrato  dal  solo  Matteo."  Pitture,  p. 
262.)  It  is  obvious,  if  the  minute  details  of  these  paintings  are  to  be 
examined,  that  the  four  evangelists  must  be  regarded  indiscriminately 
as  the  source  for  the  portrayal  of  the  theme.  Thus,  in  the  Fractio  Panis 
where  five  loaves  and  two  fishes  are  served  seven  baskets  are  painted, 
whereas  there  should  be  twelve  if  the  two  details  are  taken  from  the  same 
story.  But  the  number  of  baskets  is  usually  seven  (in  the  third  and 
fourth  century  representations  of  the  miracle  invariably  so),  though  in 
one  instance  they  number  eight,  and  in   another  twelve. 


86  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

the  food  which  perisheth,  but  for  the  food  which  abideth  unto 
eternal  Hfe,  which  the  Son  of  Man  shall  give  unto  you."  Soon 
after  He  drew  a  distinction  between  the  mortal  bread  that  Moses 
had  given  their  fathers  in  the  wilderness,  and  the  true  bread  out 
of  heaven,  "for  the  bread  of  God  is  that  which  cometh  down  out 
of  heaven,  and  giveth  life  unto  the  world."  He  then  plainly 
announced,  "I  am  the  bread  of  life:  he  that  cometh  to  me  shall 
not  hunger,  and  he  that  believeth  on  me  shall  never  thirst  .  .  . 
For  this  is  the  will  of  my  Father,  that  every  one  that  beholdeth 
the  Son,  and  believeth  on  him,  should  have  eternal  life;  and  I 
will  raise  him  up  at  the  last  day. 

His  hearers  were  vmable  to  comprehend  these  statements,  so 
He  repeated,  "I  am  the  living  bread  which  came  down  out  of 
heaven;  if  any  man  eat  of  this  bread,  he  shall  live  forever;  yea 
and  the  bread  which  I  will  give  is  my  flesh,  for  the  life  of  the 
world."  The  multitude  was  then  genuinely  confounded,  and 
questioned,  "How  can  this  man  give  us  his  flesh  to  eat  ?"  Then 
Jesus  responded  with  what  his  hearers  called  a  "hard  saying", 
"Verily,  verily,  I  say  unto  you,  Except  ye  eat  the  flesh  of  the 
Son  of  man  and  drink  his  blood,  ye  have  not  life  in  yourselves. 
He  that  eateth  my  flesh  and  drinketh  my  blood  hath  eternal 
life;  and  I  will  raise  him  up  at  the  last  day.  For  my  flesh  is  true 
meat,  and  my  blood  is  true  drink.  He  that  eateth  my  flesh  and 
drinketh  my  blood  abideth  in  me,  and  I  in  him.  As  the  living 
Father  sent  me,  and  I  live  because  of  the  Father,  so  he  that  eateth 
me,  he  also  shall  live  because  of  me.  This  is  the  bread  which  came 
down  out  of  heaven :  not  as  the  fathers  ate  and  died ;  he  that 
eateth  this  bread  shall  live  forever."  This  "hard  saying"  was 
more  than  the  multitude  could  endure.  They  no  longer  desired 
to  make  him  king. 

Now.  whatever  the  real  exegesis  of  this  passage  may  be, 
that  does  not  deeply  concern  us.  It  is  sufficient  to  point  out 
that  as  an  arrangement  of  words  it  expresses  rather  clearly  the 
significance  of  the  Eucharist  to  the  average  Christian.  By  par- 
taking of  the  bread  and  wine  of  the  sacrament,  according  to 
the  words  of  institution  the  believer  partakes  of  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ.     By  doing  so  he  obtains  communion  with  Christ, 


The  Origin  of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  87 

recalls  the  deep  import  of  His  passion,  and  at  the  same  time  is 
assured  of  eternal  life,  even  a  part  in  the  resurrection,  ".  .  .  hath 
eternal  life ;  and  I  will  raise  him  up  at  the  last  day.''  It  is  well 
known  that  the  passion  of  Christ  is  not  depicted  realistically  in 
the  art  of  the  first  four  centuries.  Yet  it  is  not  surprising  that  the 
Christian  should  desire  to  include  it  in  some  form  on  the  decor- 
ation of  his  tomb,  to  signify  the  basis  of  his  hope  of  salvation. 
In  the  Eucharist  all  this  was  symbolized,  and  more,  for  it  was  also 
a  symbol  of  the  resurrection,  of  eternnal  life  and  of  the  com- 
munion with  Christ  had  not  only  in  this  life,  but  continued 
throughout  eternity.  The  Eucharist  therefore  was  an  appropriate 
theme  for  catacomb  decoration.  Yet  it  is  not  treated  realistically, 
but  is  symbolized.  It  is  symbolized  under  the  theme  of  the  feed- 
ing of  the  multitude  with  bread  and  fishes,  and  in  St.  John's 
Gospel  we  see  just  why  that  was.  The  bread  and  fish  of  the 
miracle  (the  fish  included  rather  by  accident)  symbolized  the 
bread  of  life  which  Jesus  gave,  as  in  the  action  of  the  miracle, — 
His  flesh,  for  the  life  of  the  world.  It  is  in  St.  John's  Gospel 
that  the  symbolism  of  the  Eucharist  is  explained,  and  the  con- 
tinuity of  this  explanation  with  the  miracle  is  apparent.  Here 
alone  we  see  how  the  partaking  of  the  flesh  and  blood  of  Christ  not 
only  made  clear  to  the  Christian  the  sacrifice  of  Christ  as  the 
source  of  his  salvation,  but  it  also  confirmed  to  him  the  promise 
of  the  resurrection.  It  was  a  theme  particularly  suitable  for 
treatment  in  the  catacomb  cycle  of  Christian  Art.  We  are  accord- 
ingly justified  in  finding  in  the  Johannine  Gospel  the  source  of 
eucharistic  symbolism,  particularly  as  it  is  expressed  in  Chris- 
tian Art. 

The  theme  of  the  multiplication  of  the  loaves  and  fishes 
has  been  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  the  Eucharist  ever  since  this 
series  of  paintings  was  discovered,  but  on  such  grounds  as  Wil- 
pert  states  in  Pitture,  p.  262,  or  in  Fractio  Panis,  p.  83,  n.  i, 
where  the  similarity  in  wording  between  the  accounts  of  the  bless- 
ing of  the  bread  and  fish  in  the  miracle  and  the  blessing  of  the 
bread  in  the  Last  Supper  is  regarded  as  the  bond  uniting  the  two 
events  and  giving  to  the  former  a  basis  for  making  it  a  symbol  of 
the  latter.     This  is  ingenious,  but  is  too  artificial.     This  might 


88  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

account  for  the  form  of  the  sacrament,  if  there  were  any  reason 
to  suppose  that  the  Hturgical  form  was  symbolized.  A  symbol 
itself  is  but  an  outward  form,  by  the  understanding  of  which  one 
appreciates  a  hidden  significance.  Hence  it  would  be  useless  to 
give  a  form  of  a  form,  to  symbolize  a  symbol.  It  was  not  the 
form,  but  the  deep  significance  that  found  expression  in  symbol- 
ism. This  the  miracle  afforded  by  reason  of  the  explanation 
accompanying  it  in  the  eucharistic  discourses  in  St.  John's  Gos- 
pel.i^« 

To  all  of  the  above  may  now  be  urged  the  following  consider- 
ations: (i)  Included  in  the  series  is  the  one  painting  of  the  scene 
of  breaking  of  fast  by  the  sea  of  Tiberias,  already  referred  to, 
which  is  narrated  solely  in  St.  John's  Gospel.  Bread  and  fish 
are  the  viands.  With  the  exception  of  the  absence  of  the  baskets 
it  looks  just  like  any  other  one  of  the  series  (PI.  lie,  Mai.,  PI. 
27-2).  It  must  be  remembered  that  it  is  in  one  of  the  Sacrament 
Chapels,  in  which  many  of  these  paintings  are  found.  Its  source 
is  admittedly  the  Johannine  Gospel.  It  is  like  the  others.  We 
do  not  know  just  how  much  it  may  have  symbolized  to  the 
primitive  Christian  of  Rome,  but  it  certainly  was  a  part  of 
the  eucharistic  cycle.  We  may  be  sure  that  it  symbolized  com- 
munion at  least,  and  if  this  much,  then  probably  all  of  the  sacra- 
ment.  When  once  the  bread  and  fish  together  were  regarded 
as  symbols  of  the  sacrament,  the  fish  and  bread  of  the  scene  by 
Galilee  would  give  to  the  entire  incident  an  eucharistic  cast.  As 
it  is  Johannine  in  source,  its  collateral  bearing  on  the  subject  is 
evident. 

(2)  In  the  crypt  of  Lucina  we  have  twin  paintings,  separated 
by  a  defaced  space,  each  consisting  of  a  fish  before  a  basket  filled 
with  loaves,  just  as  are  found  in  the  regular  paintings  of  the  series, 
and  in  the  basket  a  flask  of  wine  (PI.  Vila,  Villa,  Mai.,  PL 
27-1,  28).  Here  we  have  the  fish  and  the  loaves,  also  the  baskets 
to  show  unmistakable  connection  with  the  series  of  the  feeding 
of  the  multitude  which,  as  we  have  shown,  is  an  essential  detail 
of  the  eucharistic  cycle.    And,  as  if  to  confirm  this  connection,  we 

"'  This  Wilpert  allows,  Pitture,  p.  262,  "Poi  non  puo  considerarsi  puro 
case  che  al  miracolo  della  refezione  delle  turbe  faccia  seguire  il  'durus 
sermo'." 


The  Origin   of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  89 

have  also  the  flask  of  wine,  as  in  the  Fractio  Panis,  the  first  one 
of  the  series.  It  seemed  as  if  in  the  beginning  of  the  series  the  tra- 
dition of  reahsm  was  responsible  for  the  retention  of  the  wine, 
but  it  was  directly  apparent  that  the  bread  and  fish  of  the  multi- 
plication miracle  were  sufficient  for  the  symbolism.  Thus,  the 
cycle  continued  without  the  wine  for  a  long  time,  until  the  intro- 
duction of  the  theme  of  the  miracle  of  the  Wine  at  Cana  of  Gali- 
lee, in  the  third  century.  This  theme  was  then  combined  with  the 
miracle  of  the  Multiplication  of  Loaves  treated  absolutely  as  such 
(i.  e,  the  meal  of  the  seven  symbolizing  the  refreshment  of  the 
multitude  in  the  miracle  was  dropped,  and  the  theme  consisted 
solely  of  the  figure  of  Christ,  who  is  absent  in  the  feasting  scenes, 
standing  beside  seven  baskets  in  the  act  of  multiplication),  at 
which  time  the  fish  gave  place  to  the  wine,  the  real,  legitimate 
eucharistic  element.  Professor  C.  R.  Morey  writes  on  this 
subject,  "All  these  representations  (i.  e.,  of  the  Wine  Miracle  at 
Cana  of  Galilee)  are  late.  They  prove  however  nothing  against 
the  predominance  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  as  the  source  for  early 
Catacomb  painting,  because  John's  Gospel  furnished  another 
scene — the  Multiplication — which  contained  the  same  eucharistic 
symbolism.  The  breaking  up  of  the  eucharist  symbolism 
through  the  isolation  of  the  fish  as  a  Christ-symbol  is,  it  seems 
to  me,  the  reason  for  the  introduction  of  the  Cana  Wedding  as 
a  new  and  distinctive  type  of  the  Eucharist." 

Wilpert  conjectures  that  in  the  defaced  wall  space  between 
the  twin  paintings  in  Lucina  there  originally  existed  a  treat- 
ment of  the  eucharistic  feast  with  the  baskets  of  loaves,  just  as 
in  the  ordinary  ones  of  the  series.  It  is  impossible  to  say,  but 
it  makes  little  difference  as  far  as  the  twin  pictures  are  con- 
cerned. The  significant  thing  about  them  is  that  they  portray 
the  bread  and  fish  and  wine,  all  symbols  of  the  Eucharist,  and 
bound  to  the  series  by  the  basket. 

(3)  Very  similar  to  these  twin  paintings  is  one  in  the  Sacrament 
Chapel  A3  in  the  catacomb  of  Calhxtus  (PI.  Via,  Mai.,  PI. 
41 -I  2/2II).  It  is  unique  in  Catacomb  Art  and  has  been  the  sub- 
ject of  much  controversy  in  its  interpretation.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  it  is  a  symbolic  painting.    In  the  center  stands  a  tripod 


90  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

containing  a  fish  and  a  loaf  of  bread.  On  one  side  is  a  man  clad 
in  the  mantle  of  a  philosopher  with  hands  outstretched  over 
the  tripod.  On  the  other  side  is  a  veiled  orant,  a  woman  with 
arms  upraised  in  the  attitude  of  prayer.  (The  presence  of  the 
orant  in  the  painting  makes  it  symbolical,  if  nothing  else.).  Wil- 
pert  identifies  the  man  with  arm  outstretched  as  Christ,  and  says 
that,  "in  order  to  make  it  evident  that  he  did  not  intend  to  repre- 
sent the  miracle  treated  historically  as  such,  but  portrayed  sym- 
bolically the  consecration,  the  most  important  act  of  the  euchar- 
istic  sacrifice,  the  artist  introduced  a  detail  in  the  nature  of 
antitype,  depicting  the  fish  and  bread  upon  a  niensa,  an  altar." 
{Pittiire,  p.  266.).  In  other  words,  Christ  by  His  gesture, 
seems  to  be  appropriating  the  eucharistic  symbols,  to  be  identi- 
fying them  with  Himself,  the  living  Bread  which  came  down  from 
heaven.  And  the  veiled  orant,  symbolizing  the  Church  or  the  soul 
of  the  deceased,^-**  standing  at  one  side  represents  the  receptive 
attitude  of  those  to  whom  the  sacrament  is  administered. 

Here  we  have  the  bread  and  fish  of  the  miracle,  and  their  con- 
nection with  the  miracle  is  confirmed  by  the  scene  of  feasting 
immediately  joining  it  in  which  the  baskets  of  loaves  are  pres- 
ent and  fish  are  served  on  two  plates  (PI.  Vic,  Mai.,  PI.  41-3 
2/2IIC).  Adjoining  this  scene  is  the  theme  of  the  Sacrifice 
of  Isaac.  Both  Abraham  and  Isaac  are  in  the  orant  attitude, 
and  the  theme  is  identified  by  the  presence  of  the  ram  and  the 
bundle  of  sticks.  The  same  theme  is  found  in  the  Greek  Chapel 
not  far  from  the  Fractio  Panis,  which  proximity  leads  Wilpert 
to  see  in  it  a  symbol  of  the  passion  of  Christ.  Wherefore,  in 
this  Sacrament  Chapel  we  have  symbolized  the  three  themes 
of  the  Consecration  of  the  Eucharist  in  the  tripod  scene,  the 
Eucharistic  Communion  in  the  scene  of  feasting,  and  in  the  sac- 
rifice of  Isaac  the  Offering  of  the  real  Bread  of  Life, — "and  the 
bread  which  I  will  give  is  my  flesh,  for  the  life  of  the  world." 
However  much  of  this  may  be  correct,  one  thing  is  surely  empha- 
sized, the  prominence  of  the  bread  and  fish  in  symbolism.  The 
picture  thus  evidently  belongs  to  the  cycle  of  eucharistic  themes, 
and  confirms  its  significance,  as  do  the  twin  paintings  in  the 


It  is  by  no  means  clear  just  what  the  orant  type  did  symbolize. 


TJie  Origin   of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  91 

crypt  of  Lucina.  We  have  seen  the  reason  why  the  bread  and  fish 
came  to  symbolize  the  Eucharist.  In  these  two  paintings,  as  in  the 
theme  of  the  breakfast  by  the  sea  of  Tiberias,  the  symbolism 
was  well  understood.  It  had  been  originated  in  the  typical  eat- 
ing scene  from  the  sixth  chapter  of  St.  John's  Gospel,  and  since 
people  thus  understood  it,  independence  in  design  was  responsi- 
ble for  the  separate  treatment  of  the  essential  details  of  the  cycle. 
One  further  illustration  confirms  this.  In  the  vault  of  the 
Sacrament  Chapel  A2,  and  probably  also  in  A3,  was  depicted 
a  tripod  containing  fish,  and  grouped  beside  it  the  seven  baskets 
of  loaves, ^^° — the  prepared  fish  and  the  eucharistic  bread. 

(4)  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  fish  is  always  in  company  of  the 
loaves,  either  upon  the  plates  or  in  the  baskets.  Its  eucharistic 
symbolism  in  connection  zmth  other  symbols  of  the  sacrament  is 
thus  to  be  noticed.  The  fish  isolated  from  these  symbols  does 
not  occur  in  Catacomb  Painting,  and  does  not  come  up  for  dis- 
cussion as  such.  But  as  Professor  Morey  has  pointed  out  (A. 
J.  A.,  1909,  pp.  57,  58),  this  eucharistic  treatment  of  the  fish 
precedes  the  acrostic,  the  IX0YC  ,^^^  though  it  throws  an  inter- 
esting light  on  the  origin  and  development  of  the  IX0YC,  at 
least  in  one  of  its  meanings. ^^- 

This  earlier  use  of  fish  as  a  symbol  of  the  Eucharist  in  con- 
nection with  bread,  or  bread  and  wine,  is  to  be  carefully  distin- 
guished from  the  later  use  of  the  isolated  fish,  the  acrostic 
IX0YC.  They  are  altogether  dififerent,  chronologically,  as  well 
as  in  meaning,  though  the  significance  of  the  former  endured 
to  a  certain  extent.  Thus,  St.  Augustine  and  the  author  of  the 
De  Promissionibtis  et  Praedictionibus  Dei  give  the  older  inter- 
pretation of  Johannine  symbolism  of  the  Eucharist,  the  Bread 
which  came  down  from  heaven,  the  food  which  would  nourish 
eternal  life.  The  epigram  of  Augustine,  piscis  assus,  Christus 
est  passus,  presents  the     IX0YC     idea,  but  in  the  following  pas- 

""   PI.  Va,  Mai.,  PI.  38  2/2IIC. 

'^  Iiyo-oiis  Xpto-Tos  ©eov  Ytos  GwT7?p. — IX0YG.  Jesus  Christ,  Son  of 
God,  Saviour. 

'^Another  is  indicated  in  the  words  of  TertulHan  {De  Baptismo,  c.l.), 
"Sed  nos  pisciculi  secundum  IX0YN  nostrum  Jesum  Christum  in  aqua 
.nascimur,  nee  aliter  quam  in  aqua  permanendo  salvi  sumus." 


92  St.  Joint's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

sage  he  gives  the  complete  interpretation,  In  J  oh.  Tract.,  123 
(i.  e.,  on  Jn.  21),  Migne,  35,  1966,  "The  roasted  fish  signifies 
the  crucified  Christ.  And  He  Himself  is  the  Bread  which  came 
down  from  heaven  (Jn.  6:41).  Of  this  the  Church  partakes  in 
order  to  share  in  everlasting  happiness.  It  was  said  besides, 
Bring  of  the  fish  which  ye  have  now  taken,  so  that  all  of  usi 
who  enjoy  this  hope  through  that  seven- fold  number  of  disciples, 
by  which  in  this  passage  our  universality  may  be  intelligibly  fig- 
ured, by  such  a  Sacrament  may  have  been  understood  the  commun- 
ion, and  have  had  fellowship  in  the  same  happiness." 

This  eucharistic  cycle  is  of  the  second  century  in  origin,  and 
the  themes  we  have  discussed  belong  to  that  century.  They  are  not 
continued  in  the  same  form  later.  The  cycle  changes  essentially. 
In  the  third  century  we  have  simply  the  regular  theme  of  the  mul- 
tiplication of  loaves,  in  which  Christ  stands  in  the  midst  of  seven 
baskets  of  loaves  touching  them  with  a  wand  (the  loaves  only 
are  represented).  This  theme  is  common  in  the  fourth  century^ 
particularly  on  sarcophagi  reliefs.  In  one  picture  of  the  fourth 
century  the  eucharistic  symbolism  is  extended  by  the  added 
feature  of  including  two  apostles  to  distribute  the  bread  and  fish 
to  the  multitude  (which  is  absent ).^^^  In  the  third  century  we 
have  also,  as  remarked  above,  the  theme  of  the  miracle  of  the 
Wine  at  Cana  of  Galilee.  In  the  first  painting  of  this  very  limited 
series  we  notice  a  marked  resemblance  to  the  second  century  eat- 
ing scenes.  Seven  persons  recline  on  the  sigma  couch.  A  tripod 
serves  as  a  table.  But  instead  of  the  baskets  of  loaves  we  have 
six  jars  of  wine  which  Christ  touches  with  a  wand.  Another 
feature  is  the  presence  of  a  servant.^^*  The  inherent  relationship 
in  eucharistic  symbolism  of  these  two  themes  of  the  Multiplication 
of  Loaves  and  the  Increase  of  Wine  is  seen  in  a  fresco  of  the 
fourth  century  in  the  catacomb  of  Peter  and  Marcellinus,  in 
which  the  two  scenes  occupy  opposite  end  spaces  in  the  vault  of  an 
arcosolium.^^^  In  the  lunette  of  the  same  arcosolium  Wilpert  re- 
stores a  scene  of  feasting  in  which  seven  persons  at  a  sigma  table  are 

'^Mal.,  PI.  237-1  2/2IVC. 
'^  PI.  Vllb,  Mai.,  PI.  57  1/2IIIP&M. 

"'Mai.,  PI.   186-1    1/2IVP&M.      (The  two  themes  aie  depicted  also  in 
a  fourth  century  painting  in  a  catacomb  at  Alexandria.) 


The  Origin  of  Eiicharistic  Symbolism  93 

about  to  partake  of  a  fish  on  the  tripod  before  them,  and  a  servant 
presents  to  one  a  cup  of  wine.  In  this  century  also  there  are 
isolated  instances  of  the  baskets  of  bread  and  the  vessels  of  wine. 
In  one  instance  Christ  stands  between  the  baskets  and  the  am- 
phoras  with  hands  outstretched,  affording  evident  eucharistic 
signification.^^" 


(It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  there  are  other  scenes  of  eat- 
ing treated  in  Catacomb  Painting  in  addition  to  those  already 
discussed.  These  are  ordinarily  divided  into  two  classes,  por- 
traying the  theme  of  the  funeral  banquet,  and  that  of  the  so-called 
funeral  feast,  the  Agape,  or  feast  held  in  commemoration  of  the 
deceased.  This  distinction  is  doubtless  correct,  being  based  on  the 
fact  that  the  pictures  of  the  former  class  seem  to  portray  the 
delights  of  paradise,  while  the  latter  are  confined  to  this  world. 
The  technical  distinction  rests  on  the  presence  in  the  former  class 
of  paintings  of  personifications  of  Agape  and  Irene,  Love  and 
Peace,  which  give  an  atmosphere  of  heaven.  These  celestial 
servitors  are  requested  by  those  feasting  to  bring  hot  water  and 
wine  mixed  with  water,  IRENE  DA  CALDA  and  AGAPE 
MISCEMI.  These  paintings  are  all  in  one  catacomb,  that  of 
Peter  and  Marcellinus,  and  in  the  same  section  of  the  catacomb, 
and  date  from  the  fourth  century.  There  are  four,  or  possibly 
six  of  these  paintings, ^^^  with  also  a  few  isolated  representations 
of  figures  bearing  wine  vessels.  They  are  in  the  neighborhood 
of  paintings  that  probably  represent  the  judgment  pronounced  on 
the  deceased,  and  indicate  the  result  thereof,  admission  to  para- 
dise. The  number  of  those  feasting  varies,  and  it  is  noticeable 
that  the  fish  is  served  but  the  loaves  of  bread  are  missing.  The 
remaining  four  paintings,  not  possessing  the  attributes  of  para- 
dise or  the  typical  eucharistic  symbols,   are   regarded  as   being 

'^Mal.,  PI.  166-1  1/2IVP&M. 

""Mai,  PI.  133-2;  1 57-1,  2;  184  IVP&M.    Also  in  Pittwe,  p.  279. 


94  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

simply  representations  of  funeral  banquets.  Aside  from  the 
fact  that  the  persons  painted  are  represented  as  drinking,  it  is 
difficult  to  identify  the  dishes  served.  Servants  wait  upon  those 
dining  in  all  these  pictures.  Three  of  these  four  paintings, 
i.  e.,  of  the  latter  class,  are  in  the  catacomb  of  Peter  and  Mar- 
cellinus,  two  of  which  date  from  the  first  half  of  the  third  century 
and  one  from  the  fourth.  The  fourth  painting  dates  from  the 
latter  part  of  the  first  century  and  is  in  the  Flavian  gallery  in  the 
catacomb  of  Domitilla.^^^  In  this  painting  a  fish  and  three  loaves 
are  served.  It  would  be  natural  to  regard  this  as  belonging  to  the 
eucharistic  cycle,  the  first  of  the  series  being  of  the  same 
period,  if  it  were  not  for  the  fact  that  the  baskets  of  loaves  are 
wanting,  and  more  particularly  because  it  is  in  a  series  that  is 
strictly  decorative  in  design,  with  the  exceptions  of  Daniel,  Noah 
and  the  Good  Shepherd. 

The  presence  of  the  fish  in  the  series  of  the  heavenly  banquet 
doubtless  has  a  symbolic  meaning,  which  may,  in  a  sense,  be 
eucharistic.  By  the  fourth  century,  the  date  of  the  series, 
the  isolated  fish  was  a  sign  for  Christ,  and  the  fish  in  any  paint- 
ing or  piece  of  sculpture  was  significant.) 


In  conclusion,  a  summary  of  the  reasons  for  asserting  that 
St.  John's  Gospel  was  the  source  for  eucharistic  symbolism  may 
be  appended : 

The  sixth  chapter  of  the  Gospel  contains  an  account  of  the 
multiplication  of  loaves  and  fishes  to  feed  the  weary  multitude, 
and  immediately  thereafter  gives  the  so-called  eucharistic  dis- 
course of  Jesus.  In  a  day  when  realism  gave  place  in  Art,  that 
is  in  Christian  Art,  to  the  desire  for  symbolical  representation, 
the  incident  which  preceded  and  caused  the  discourse  was  seized 
upon  as  a  proper  and  exact  symbol  for  the  Eucharist.     It  repre- 

^^  Mai.,  PL  7-4  2/2ID,  PI.  62-2  1/2IIIP&M,  PI.  65-3  1/2IIIP&M,  PI. 
167    1/2IVP&M. 


The  Origin   of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  95 

sented  perfectly  the  prominent  thought  of  the  eucharistic  dis- 
course, the  necessity  of  partaking  of  the  Bread  of  Life  which 
Jesus  said  was  His  own  flesh — to  have  a  part  in  the  death  of 
Christ,  and  also  in  His  Resurrection  ("and  I  will  raise  him  up  at 
the  last  day",  said  Jesus).  These  two  ideas  furnish  the  real 
reason  for  making  use  of  the  eucharistic  theme  in  art  of  the  sepul- 
chre. By  the  bread  of  the  miracle  which  Christ  offered  to  men 
the  eucharistic  bread  was  indicated.  The  fish  accompanied  the 
bread  according  to  the  miracle,  and  probably,  better  than  the 
bread  could  do,  symbolized  flesh,  the  offered  body  of  Christ. 
But  after  all,  the  introduction  of  the  fish  into  the  eucharistic 
cycle  was  purely  accidental.  It  was  simply  because  of  the  acci- 
dent that  fish  were  multiplied  as  well  as  loaves  in  the  miracle 
of  the  feeding  of  the  multitude  in  the  sixth  chapter  of  St.  John's 
Gospel  that  they  were  united  with  the  loaves  in  the  pictorial 
and  symbolical  treatment  of  the  theme.  Because  the  fish  was 
accidental  in  its  introduction  into  early  Christian  Art  is  the  rea- 
son why  it  has  been  so  very  difficult  to  understand  and  inter- 
pret it.  In  addition  to  the  fish  the  baskets  of  bread  made  the  iden- 
tification of  the  miracle  with  the  symbolism  certain.  Wine  was  m- 
cluded  at  first  as  a  real  eucharistic  element  according  to  the  words 
of  institution  of  the  sacrament,  but  not  finding  a  place  in  the  real- 
ism of  the  multiplication  miracle  was  dropped  as  not  being 
essential  to  the  symbolism,  though  it  was  always  understood.^^^ 
(A  man  not  only  had  to  eat  of  the  flesh  of  Christ  in  order  to 
partake  of  the  Eucharist,  he  also  had  to  drink  His  blood.)  Bread 
and  fish  and  baskets  were  the  essential  features  of  the  symbolism, 
and  their  use  in  the  paintings  of  the  second  century  demonstrates 
the  truth  of  the  assertion  that  the  source  of  the  eucharistic 
cycle  is  to  be  found  in  St.  John's  Gospel. 

As  has  been  said,  the  symbolism  of  the  multiplication  miracle, 
isolated  from  scenes  of  feasting,  continued  throughout  the 
fourth  century.  At  that  time  it  may  have  indicated  only  the 
Bread  of  Life,  the  eucharistic  bread,  for  in  the  third  century 
we  observe  the  return  of  the  recognition  of  the  essential  import- 

^  In  the  celebrated  inscription  of  Abercius,  bishop  of  Hierapolis  in 
Phrygia  (second  century),  the  bishop  says  that  when  in  Rome  he  was 
offered  bread  and  fish  and  wine. 


96  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

ance  of  wine  as  a  fundamental  eucharistic  element,  demanding 
representation  in  the  symbolism.  As  just  remarked,  wine  was 
always  included  in  the  interpretation  of  the  symbolism  of 
the  multiplication  miracle,  according  to  Christ's  discourse 
on  the  miracle,  though  it  found  no  place  in  the  event 
itself.  In  response  to  the  demand  for  representation  the  miracle 
at  Cana  of  Galilee  was  introduced,  evidently  symbolizing  the 
eucharistic  wine.  In  one  instance  the  two  themes  of  the  multi- 
plication and  the  wine  miracles  are  treated  in  obvious  connection. 
As  a  result  of  this  the  fish,  having  obtained  an  eucharistic  signifi- 
cance through  its  presence  in  the  original  cycle,  came  to  symbolize 
the  Eucharist  independently,  or  more  specifically  the  sacrificed 
body  of  Christ,  even  Christ  Himself.  The  fish,  assisted  by  the 
acrostic,  then  came  to  be  a  sign  for  Christ. ^*° 

^■^  Professor  Ludwig  von  Sybel  of  Marburg  in  his  book  Christliche 
Antike,  1906,  seems  to  have  missed  the  point  in  his  discussion  of  this 
entire  cycle  of  paintings.  In  his  chapter  entitled  Das  Mahl  der  Seligen 
(pp.  181-209)  he  advances  the  theory  that  all  pictures  of  feasting  in 
Catacomb  Art  are  intended  to  portray  the  banquets  of  the  blessed  in 
paradise.  He  is  not  very  happy  in  his  attempt  to  connect  the  catacomb 
frescoes  with  scenes  of  eating  and  feasts  of  heroes  in  the  art  of  ancient 
Egypt,  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  as  well  as  of  classic  Greece  and  Rome. 
His  chapter  would  be  more  satisfactory  if  he  should  discuss  ,the  only 
question  of  interest  in  this  connection,  the  influence  and  extent  of  the 
funeral  feast,  a  universal  pagan  custom  in  Christian  practice,  concerning 
which  there  has  never  been  any  serious  doubt.  The  feast  of  remem- 
brance for  the  deceased  was  observed  by  Christian  families,  just  as  by 
their  pagan  neighbors,  and  it  had  been  so  abused  by  excesses  in  the 
days  of  Augustine  that  he  expressed  his  strong  disapproval  of  the  prac- 
tice. These  funeral  love  feasts,  Agapes,  are  suggested  by  several  paint- 
ings in  the  catacombs,  and  it  may  be  that  the  celestial  banquet  is  intended 
by  a  fourth  century  series.  There  may  be  a  sense  in  which  the  eucharistic 
feast  suggests  the  communion  of  saints  in  paradise  with  their  Lord, 
but  von  Sybel  does  not  mean  that.  He  insinuates,  without  chronological 
discrimination,  a  strongly  materialistic  element  in  the  early  Christian  con- 
ception of  the  future  life.  Heaven  is  a  place  for  indulgent  enjoyment 
of  the  physical  pleasures  which  appeal  to  us  in  this  life,  and  which,  if 
Jupiter  or  Heracles  or  Mithras  be  substituted  for  Christ,  one  might 
expect.  But  he  fails  to  see  that  this  does  not  correspond  with  the  fact, 
when  Christianity  is  considered  historically.  In  his  strong  attack  on  Wil- 
pert,  charging  him  with  reading  an  ecclesiastical  interpretation  into 
paintings  that  express  merely  ideas  of  the  people,  conceptions  of  the  mul- 


fo 


X 


Oh 


The  Origin  of  Eucharistic  Symbolism  97 

titude,  he  forgets  the  intensely  unified  nature  of  the  Christian  community 
in  the  period  before  the  peace,  and  that  while  many  members  of  the 
Church  were  ignorant  and  unlearned,  perhaps  unable  to  read  and  to  write, 
the  symbolism  of  a  painting  would  be  perfectly  clear  to  them  if  once 
instructed  by  their  leaders.  A  writer  who  at  this  day  remains  under  the 
influence  of  the  mythical  theory  of  Strauss  in  considering  the  history 
of  early  Christianity,  has  very  little  reason  to  charge  Wilpert  with  being 
unscientific  on  the  ground  that  he  follows  clerical  predispositions.  Von 
Sybel  fails,  moreover,  to  see  the  great  popular  use  of  symbolism,  as 
attested  by  early  Christian  Art,  carried  to  an  extent  undreamed  of  before 
the  excavations  of  the  catacombs.  He  seems  to  ignore  the  symbolism 
to  a  large  extent,  or  else  to  misunderstand  it,  and  above  all  fails  to 
credit  the  early  Christian  artists  with  having  originated  the  forms  for  their 
symbols,  whether  under  popular  or  clerical  control.  In  this  particular 
cycle  he  neglects  the  tripod  pictures  as  well  as  the  twin  paintings  in  the 
Crypt  of  Lucina  which  confirm  the  eucharistic  symbolism.  (Their  sym- 
bolic character  remains,  even  if  Wilpert  should  be  mistaken,  as  he 
asserts,  in  seeing  a  flask  of  wine  in  each  of  the  baskets.)  Aside  from 
saying  that  the  fish  was  a  common  article  of  food  (p.  199),  and  that 
it  represented  the  individual  Christian  (p.  138),  he  leaves  the  symbol 
alone.  Von  Sybel's  discussion  of  this  series  of  second  century  paintings 
is  very  disappointing.  He  does  not  see  the  true  significance  of  the 
loaves  and  fishes  and  baskets,  and  apparently  misapprehends  the  entire 
spirit  of  Early  Christian  Art. 


IV.     ST.  JOHN'S  GOSPEL  THE  LEADING  FACTOR  IN 
CATACOMB  SYMBOLISM. 

It  seems  reasonably  certain  that  the  end  of  the  first  century  saw 
constructed  the  beginnings  of  the  catacombs  of  Mons  Vaticanus, 
Lucina  at  St.  Paul's,  Domitilla,  Priscilla,  and  possibly  others.  Wil- 
pert  gives  good  reasons  for  assigning  dates  to  paintings  from  these 
as  follows:  second  half  of  the  first  century  (reign  of  Domitian) 
to  the  hypogeum  of  the  Flavii  in  Domitilla,  end  of  first  century 
to  the  hypogeum  of  the  Acilii  in  Priscilla  (after  91,  when  Acilius 
Glabrio  was  consul  with  Trajan),  and  end  of  the  first  century 
to  the  "oldest  room"  in  Domitilla. 

In  these  paintings  the  subjects  may  be  briefly  enumerated: 
grape  vine  designs,  cupids,  birds  including  peacocks,  dolphins, 
radiating  designs,  a  fisherman,  flowers  including  asters,  orna- 
mental forms,  i.  e.,  ideal  heads,  genre  pictures,  jars  and  vases, 
ideal  human  forms,  a  sea-monster,  a  scene  of  eating  called  by 
Wilpert  a  funeral  banquet,  the  Good  Shepherd  (carrying  sheep), 
Cupid  as  the  Good  Shepherd,  sheep,  a  -vessel  for  milk,  Daniel 
between  two  Lions,  and  Noah  in  the  Ark.  Of  these,  manifestly 
the  ones  that  are  biblical  are  the  Good  Shepherd,  Daniel  and 
Noah.  The  others  are  plainly  and  only  classical  motifs  for  decor- 
ation, and  one  might  as  well  expect  to  find  them  in  pagan  paint- 
ings as  indeed  we  do  very  commonly. 

Concerning  the  themes  introduced  in  the  second  century  the 
statement  may  be  made  that,  observing  the  laws  and  traditions  of 
Pagan  Art,  in  which  they  had  been  trained,  as  to  symmetry  and 
composition,  and  falling  heir  to  its  technique  as  well  as  to  its 
defects,  the  Christian  artists  created  their  own  forms,  their  own 
composition  of  a  picture,  and  something  more  than  this — they 
created  an  art  that  was  entirely  symbolic.  To  them  must  be  given 
the  credit  for  originating  the  idea  of  a  form  of  art  whose  dis- 
tinctive feature  is  symbolism,  and  that  alone.  In  its  beginning 
there  are  a  few  slight  traces  of  the  influence  of  realism,  but  even 
here  pagan  form  exerted  an  unconscious  influence  through  its 


The  Gospel  and  Catacomb  Symbolism  99 

peculiar  custom  of  setting  each  picture  in  its  own  frame  or  wall 
space  or  section  of  vault.  In  this  century  the  great  number  of 
Scriptural  themes  arose,  augmented  somewhat  in  the  third  cen- 
tury, but  forming  the  nucleus  for  the  catacomb  period  in  Chris- 
tian Art. 

We  have,  then,  besides  the  first  century  themes,  Moses  strik- 
ing the  Rock,  the  three  Hebrew  Children  in  the  Fiery  Furnace  in 
Babylon,  scenes  of  Baptism,  and  various  scenes  of  eating  with 
separate  representations  of  food,  vessels  and  tables,  baskets  of 
bread,  fish,  vases,  tripods,  etc.,  as  well  as  the  miracle  of  the  Mul- 
tiplication of  Loaves,  all  of  which  have  been  discussed  as  euchar- 
istic  symbols,  representations  of  the  seasons  of  the  year,  the  story 
of  Susannah  and  the  Elders,  Abraham  offering  up  his  son  Isaac, 
the  Resurrection  of  Lazarus,  Grants,  the  Coronation  of  Thorns 
(  ?)  or  the  Agnus  Dei,  the  meeting  of  Jesus  and  the  Woman  of 
Samaria  at  Jacob's  Well,  the  miracle  of  the  Woman  with  an 
Issue  of  Blood,  the  Madonna,  the  Adoration  of  the  Wise  Men,  the 
Annunciation  (  ?),  Christ  as  Judge,  the  deceased,  genii,  Jonah,  Or- 
pheus, the  miracle  of  the  Healing  of  the  Paralytic,  various  addi- 
tional decorative  elements,  such  as  shells,  wreaths,  roses,  doves, 
architectural  designs,  scenes  of  prayer,  and  realistic  scenes  of 
the  activities  of  the  fossores. 

In  the  third  century  a  few  more  themes  are  found,  such  as 
Christ  enthroned  and  surrounded  by  the  apostles,  David  and  his 
sling,  Tobias  and  his  fish,  the  miracle  of  the  Healing  of  a  Blind 
Man,  Leper,  etc.,  and  the  Converting  of  the  Water  into  Wine  at 
Cana  of  Galilee,  Adam  and  Eve  at  the  fatal  tree,  and  many  more 
elements  for  decorative  detail  and  symbolism,  including  further 
bird,  animal  and  flower  forms  and  species.  Amor  and  Psyche, 
discs,  a  shepherd  milking  sheep,  also  apostles  and  saints,  virgins 
and  orants,  masks,  etc. 

The  fourth  century  introduces  a  new  element,  showing  more  of 
a  crude  attempt  at  realism,  and  differing  considerably  in  spirit 
from  the  previous  centuries,  a  process  due  to  the  gradual  de- 
velopment of  the  cult  of  the  saints  and  martyrs.  Hence  we  see 
the  origins  of  the  Apocalpytic  cycle,  having  to  do  with  paradise 
and  what  goes  on  therein,  and  preparing  for  the  themes  of  the 
great  church  mosaics.     A  few  scenes  from  real  life  are  treated. 


lOO  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

and  the  only  new  Scriptural  themes  are  the  Raising  of  the  Daugh- 
ter of  Jairus,  the  three  Hebrew  Children  in  their  refusal  to  wor- 
ship the  image  of  the  Babylonian  king,  the  Prophesy  of  Balaam, 
Moses  removing  his  sandals  before  the  burning  bush,  Moses  and 
Aaron  persecuted  by  the  Jews,  the  Ascension  of  Elijah,  the  Rain 
of  Manna,  the  miracle  of  the  Healing  of  the  Demoniac,  all  of 
which  proclaim  strongly  the  arrival  of  the  period  of  the  sarco- 
phagi. Oceanus  is  the  most  prominent  pagan  form  introduced 
in  this  century. 

In  the  chapter  on  the  early  influence  of  St.  John's  Gospel  it 
was  shown  how  the  themes  appropriate  for  the  decoration  of  a 
Christian's  tomb  were  selected  because  they  really  had  to  do  with 
life,  the  continuous  Christian  life.  The  death  which  was  the 
occasion  for  these  themes  was  regarded  as  only  an  incident  in 
this  eternal  flow  of  life,  which,  for  the  Christian,  began  at  his 
baptism  and  continued  throughout  the  ages.  It  may  be  ques- 
tioned, even,  whether  this  physical  death  was  intended  specifically 
under  any  of  the  symbols  in  Catacomb  Painting.  It  is  well  known, 
for  instance,  that  search  has  been  made  in  vain  for  a  representa- 
tion of  martyrdom  in  the  frescoes. ^*^  The  only  one  found  is 
within  the  city  walls  in  the  house  of  the  martyrs  John  and  Paul. 
It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  cause  of  martyrdom  is  symbolized 
in  the  theme  of  the  three  Hebrews  of  Babylon  refusing  to  wor- 
ship the  image  which  Nebuchadnezzar  had  set  up.  In  a  fresco 
in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  the  image  is  portrayed  as  the  herm 
of  a  Roman  emperor,  the  refusal  to  honor  which,  on  the  part  of 
the  Christian,  was  regarded  as  an  imperative  reason  for  his 
punishment.  Ordinary  physical  death  may  indeed  have  been  sym- 
bolized under  such  themes  as  Jonah,  Job,  Adam  and  Eve,  Dan- 
iel, Noah,  the  Hebrew  Children  in  the  Furnace,  the  healing  mira- 
cles of  Jesus,  particularly  on  the  leper,  etc.  But  each  of  these 
themes  symbolized  other  things  equally  well,  particularly  the  death 
of  the  soul  through  sin  and  the  Christian  hope  of  deliverance 
therefrom.  In  fact,  the  statement  may  here  be  repeated  that  the 
entire  cycle  of  catacomb  themes  exhibited  in  symbolic  form  the 


^"A  marble  relief  in  the  basilica  of  SS.  Nereus  and  Achiles  in  Domitilla 
doubtless  represents  the  martyrdom  of  one  of  these  saints. 


T}\c   Gospel  and   Catacomb  Symbolism  loi 

prominent  truths  of  the  Christian  life  regarded  in  its  fullest  ex- 
tent.    Such  is  the  essential  nature  of  catacomb  frescoes. 

In  the  same  chapter  it  was  shown,  by  a  discussion  of  the  marked 
characteristic  of  the  Johannine  Gospel  and  its  value  for  symbol- 
ism, that  it,  better  than  the  Synoptic  Gospels,  corresponded  with 
this  real  purpose  in  catacomb  paintings.  It  afforded  in  concrete 
pictures  the  most  precious  thoughts  concerning  a  man's  salvation 
and  the  result  of  the  same,  his  deliverance  from  sin  and  the  effects 
thereof,  the  beatitude  of  his  soul  through  all  eternity,  as  well  as 
the  resurrection  of  his  body.  Better  than  the  Synoptics  it  fur- 
nished the  symbols  of  the  Christian's  hope,  his  bright  future  as 
well  as  his  contented  state  of  present  happiness.  On  page  75 
was  given  an  arrangement  of  many  of  the  Johannine  sym- 
bolic expressions  on  which  catacomb  pictures  were  based.  Thus, 
beginning  with  the  true  explanation  of  baptism  as  being  an  in- 
ward cleansing  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  of  which  washing  with  water  ir 
a  symbol,  the  Johannine  Gospel  presents  the  deepest  truths  of 
the  Christian  life  in  markedly  concise  form.  It  discusses  the 
sources  of  this  life,  the  nutriment  that  preserves  it,  the  protec- 
tion afforded  it,  and  the  assurance  of  its  immortal  nature. 

It  has  already  been  shown  that  the  influence  of  St.  John's  Gospel 
in  Catacomb  Art  was  very  early.  It  is  found  at  the  very  beginning, 
even  in  the  first  years  of  the  second  century.  From  the  above 
considerations  then,  from  what  we  know  of  the  nature  of  cata- 
comb symbolism,  and  of  how  the  Johannine  Gospel  at  an  early  date 
afforded  important  themes  for  treatment  according  to  symbolism 
of  this  nature,  it  is  easy  to  deduce  the  proposition  that  St.  John's 
Gospel  was  the  leading  factor  in  the  entire  field  of  catacomb 
symbolism.  That  is  to  say,  we  find,  when  we  search  for  its 
sources,  that  it  forms  the  nucleus  for  this  symbolism.  Besides 
this,  it  affords  the  best  explanation  for  early  Christian  symbolism 
of  a  popular  nature;  it  accounts  for  its  origins,  and  for  its  very 
existence. 

As  previously  remarked,  the  symbolism  of  the  catacomb  paint- 
ings was  something  new  in  Art.  One  would  not  expect  it, 
judging  from  the  Pagan  Art  of  the  day.  The  catacomb  frescoes 
form  a  species  of  hieroglyphic  writing,  of  the  same  nature  as  that 


102  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

of  the  Egyptians  and  worthy  to  be  compared  with  it  in  ingen- 
uity, though  extremely  Hmited  in  scope.  The  key  to  its  interpre- 
tation is  found,  of  course,  in  the  Scriptures ;  and  of  the  Sacred 
Writings  St.  John's  Gospel  provides  the  explanation  most  satis- 
factory for  the  great  portion  of  these  themes,  the  explanation 
most  in  accord  with  symbolism.  This  is  true  for  themes  selected 
manifestly  from  other  portions  of  Scripture,  such,  for  example,  as 
the  Incaranation.  The  account  of  this  is  given  in  the  Gospels  of 
SS.  Matthew  and  Luke,  but  the  explanation  through  which  the 
original  Madonna  cycle  had  meaning  is  in  the  Johannine  Gospel, 
"Behold  the  Word  was  made  Flesh,  and  dwelt  among  us".  It  is 
St.  John's  Gospel  that  explains  things,  that  explains  them  clearly, 
in  a  word  or  in  a  phrase  which  is  in  itself  a  symbol  of  profound 
significance.  It  is  this  symbolic  characteristic  that  caused  it  to 
take  the  lead  in  the  development  of  catacomb  symbolism.  It  is 
pretty  much  an  untouched  problem  as  yet,  the  investigation  of 
why  the  early  Church  thought  so  largely  in  symbols.  (We  had 
known  from  extant  literature  that  the  leaders  of  the  Church  in- 
dulged in  extravagant  symbols,  but  Catacomb  Art  reveals  the  fact 
that  the  people  as  well  had  a  symbolic  mode  of  thought  of  their 
own.)  The  prominence  of  the  Johannine  Gospel  in  this  symbolism 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  it  formed  the  standard,  and  it  is  not 
too  much  to  say  that  themes  from  all  parts  of  Scripture  were 
selected  as  suitable  for  symbolic  treatment  according  as  their 
explanation  conformed  to  this  prevailing  Johannine  standard. 
Our  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  the  Gospel  itself  leads  to  this 
conclusion,  likewise  our  knowledge  of  the  origin  and  nature  of 
catacomb  symbolism,  and  our  knowledge  of  the  themes  selected 
in  the  order  of  their  chronological  development.  A  brief  con- 
sideration of  the  entire  Johannine  cycle  will  be  found  to  point 
to  the  same  conclusion. 


PART    II. 

THE  JOHANNINE  CYCLE. 

When  we  consider,  then,  the  Johannine  cycle  as  a  whole,  we 
find  it  necessary  to  outline  the  evidence  on  which  it  is  constructed. 
We  observe  that  the  cycle  is  composed  of  themes  which,  for  good 
reasons,  compel  the  assertion  that  their  source  or  the  reason  for 
their  use  in  early  Christian  Art  is  to  be  found  in  St.  John's  Gos- 
pel. Thus,  recalling  the  classification  proposed  on  page  9 
the  cycle  consists  of  themes  Johannine  absolutely,  archaeologically 
or  characteristically.  Those  absolutely  Johannine  have  their 
source  only  in  the  Fourth  Gospel,  and  are  mentioned  in  no  other 
part  of  Scripture.  The  latter  two  classes,  as  far  as  literary  source 
goes,  may  be  regarded  as  having  their  written  sources  in  other 
portions  of  Scripture,  or  are  of  doubtful  interpretation.  Yet  they 
are  Johannine  because  they  present  details  which,  investigated 
archaeologically,  demand  that  they  be  so  considered,  or  because 
they  emphasize  so  prominently  the  specific  characteristic  of  the 
Gospel.  The  latter  possess  strong  claim  for  interpretation  in 
the  light  of  that  characteristic,  and  hence  owe  allegiance  to  the 
Johannine  cycle.  As  remarked  before,  the  themes  of  the  former 
two  classes  belong  naturally  to  the  last.  In  fact  they  determine  it, 
because  after  being  assured  of  the  existence  of  this  character- 
istic of  the  Gospel  in  early  symbolism  from  the  themes  absolutely 
and  archaeologically  Johannine,  the  nucleus  is  formed  to  which 
purely  characteristic  themes  have  a  right  to  be  attached,  thus  com- 
pleting the  cycle.  It  must  not  be  imagined,  however,  that  in  notic- 
ing the  increase  and  development  of  the  cycle,  and  comparing  it 
with  what  was  said  in  the  chapter  on  the  fundamental  place  of  the 
Gospel  in  the  formation  of  catacomb  symbolism,  we  have  an  argu- 
ment in  a  circle.  Such  is  not  the  case.  In  that  chapter  the  charac- 
teristic of  the  Gospel  was  urged  as  being  a  natural  reason  for  its 
being  regarded  as  a  mine  for  symbolic  themes  appropriate  for 
catacomb  decoration.  In  this  chapter  the  development  of  the 
process  is  observed  as  a  fact  of  history.     It  is  not  employed  to 


I04  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

prove  the  existence  of  the  characteristic.  That  was  shown  from 
the  Gospel  itself.  The  progress  of  this  chapter  illustrates  the 
characteristic,  and  establishes  the  prominence  of  the  Gospel  in 
popular  thought.  But  this  great  influence  is  not  used  as  an  ar- 
gument for  including  themes  in  the  cycle  characteristically. 
Such  an  argument  is  not  needed.  It  is  simply  a  question  of  fact 
whether  a  theme  exhibits  in  its  treatment  so  much  of  the  character- 
istic of  the  Gospel  that  it  must  be  regarded  as  belonging  to  the 
Johannine  cycle  characteristically.  It  now  remains  to  enumerate 
and  discuss  briefly  the  themes  that  find  a  place  in  the  classifi- 
cation of  the  Johannine  cycle. 


\ 


I.    THEMES  ABSOLUTELY  JOHANNINE. 

There  are  at  least  three  themes  treated  in  Roman  catacomb  paint- 
ings whose  source  is  found  only  in  St.  John's  Gospel,  and  are  there- 
fore named  absolutely  Johannine  themes.  These  are,  the  Raising 
of  Lazarus,  the  Conversation  of  Christ  with  the  Woman  of  Sa- 
maria at  Jacob's  Well  and  the  Miracle  of  the  Wine  at  the  Marriage 
Feast  at  Cana  of  Galilee. 

I.  The  Raising  of  Lazarus. ^^^ 

The  theme  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  is  found  first  in  the  series. 
The  narrative  requires  the  entire  eleventh  chapter  of  the  Gospel. 
It  presents  a  scene  unequalled  for  dramatic  interest,  and  capable 
of  simple  treatment  in  a  single  picture.  But  three  elements  are 
needed  in  the  composition,  Christ,  the  tomb,  and  the  risen  Lazarus. 
The  earliest  artists  included  one  of  the  sisters,  but  this  feature 
was  speedily  given  up  as  being  unnecessary,  and  really  a  hindrance 
to  the  symbolism.     For  the  symbolism,  or  rather  the  great  truth 

'"  allP  PI.  la,  Fractio,  PI.  XI;  i/2lIPraet.  PI.  Ilia,  Mai.,  PL  19; 
2/2IIC  PI.  VIIIc,  Mai.,  PI.  39-1;  2/2IIC  Sacr.  Cap  A3  (?)  ;  wilP  Mai., 
PL  45-2;  (oIIC  PL  46-2;  1/2IIID  PL  55 ;  1/2IIIP&M  PL  65-2;  1/2IIIP 
&M  PL  4S-i;  1/.IIIP&M  PL  71-1 ;  2/2IIIP&M  PL  93;  2/2IIIP&M  PL 
108-2;  o)  IIIvM  Bull,  1873PLI-II;  alVP  PI.123;  alVD  cry  op  cry  of 
6SS.;  alVC  PL  128;  1/2IVC  PL  137-2;  i/2lVPraet  PL  87-2;  1/2IVC 
PL  143-1  ;i/2lVP&M  PL  147;  1/2IVP&M  PL  71-2;  1/2IVP&M  (ob- 
structed cu);  1/2IVP&M  PL  159-1;  1/2IVT  PL  164-2;  1/2IVP&M  PL 
166-1;  i/2lVMaius  PL  168;  1/2IVD  PL  181-2;  i/^IVMaius  Garrucci, 
Storia,  11.65;  i/'IVD  PL  190;  i/^IVD  PL  192;  v//IVD  PL  198;  i[/lVvM 
PL  62-1;  )/^IVvM  PL  Vlllb,  MaL,  PL  212;  i/^IVSotere,  cu  of  medallion 
of  Christ  in  nimbus;  vj/WC  PL  143-2;  2/2IVC  PL  234-1;  2/2IVD  PL 
219-2;  2/2lVMaius,  cry  of  the  Ducks;  2/2lVMaius,  cry  of  Susannah; 
2/2lVMaius,  PL  222-3;  2/2IVD  PL  227;  2/2IVD  PL  228-4; 
2/2IVD  PL  230-2;  2/2IVD  PL  231-1;  2/2IVP&M  PL  232-2; 
2/2IVH  PL  246;  2/2IVH  PL  240-2;  2/2IVD  PL  239; 
2/2IVC  PL  222-2;  2/2IVD  PL  248;  2/2IVP  PL  250-1;  IVHypogeum 
near  tomb  of  Scipios,  cf.  Bull.,  1886,  II,  7;  IVDestroyed  Hypogeum  on 
Via  Latina,  Garrucci,  Storia,  II,  40-1 ;  IVCatacomb  destroyed  by  Giordani, 
cf.  Wilpert,  Alte  Kopien,  I.   i. 


io6  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

which  the  event  illustrated,  was  the  thing  that  interested  the  early 
Christian.  The  resurrection  of  Lazarus  was  a  sign  unto  him. 
By  that  token  he  knew  that  as  his  mortal,  material  body  would 
one  day  through  weakness  be  laid  away  in  the  galleries  of  the 
catacomb,  as  Lazarus  was  imprisoned  in  his  tomb,  so  the  same 
power  that  had  called  Lazarus  from  his  sepulchre  would  like- 
wise call  him  forth  from  his  subterranean  dwelling  in  an  in- 
corruptible, spiritual  body  that  could  never  more  taste  of  deaths 
It  is  no  wonder  that  the  theme  was  popular  in  Catacomb  Art. 
It  was  a  symbol  of  hope — hope  of  the  resurrection  of  the  body, 
hope  of  immortality. 

One  question  does  arise,  however,  and  that  is,  why  the  resur- 
rection of  Lazarus  was  treated  in  preference  to  that  of  Christ 
Himself.  The  answer  probably  is  not  difficult.  The  scene  of 
Christ's  resurrection  does  not  lend  itself  so  well  to  symbolic  treat- 
ment, that  is,  as  a  picture.  It  demands  realistic  portrayal.  That, 
however,  was  what  the  catacomb  artists  distinctly  avoided.  They 
both  realized  their  artistic  limitations,  and  they  seem  to  have  de- 
cided early  that  their  work  should  be  entirely  symbolical.  Fur- 
thermore, in  the  latter  theme  they  would  have  to  paint  the  glori- 
fied Christ  realistically,  and  we  know  that  in  the  pre-Constantinian 
period,  with  a  few  doubtful  exceptions,  Christ  was  never  painted 
realistically  or  with  any  idealistic  attempt  at  portraiture.  Aside 
from  the  Christ-Child,  which  does  not  count.  He  was  always 
treated  symbolically,  though  in  ways  easy  of  identification.  But 
an  answer  better  than  the  above  is  simply  this,  that  the  theme  of 
Lazarus  appealed  strongly  to  the  average  Christian.  Lazarus 
was  a  mortal,  simply  a  man,  possessing  nothing  of  the  nature  of 
deity.  So  in  the  theme  of  Lazarus  the  Christian  could  see  the 
divine  Christ  standing  by  the  tomb  and  calling  to  the  dead  man 
to  come  forth.  Such  a  scene  readily  admitted  of  pictorial  repre- 
sentation. It  was  difficult  to  find  any  element  of  Christ's  resur- 
rection, capable  of  pictorial  presentation  according  to  the  mode, 
that  would  symbolize  this  mighty  power.  It  was  a  pleasant 
hope  in  which  to  die,  this  hope  that  Christ  Himself  would  call 
His  servants  from  the  catacombs,  as  He  had  called  Lazarus 
from  his  tomb. 


Themes  Absolutely  Johannine  107 

The  first  surviving  painting  is  from  the  early  part  of  the  second 
century,  in  the  fresco  described  above  (pp.  26ff.  in  the 
Greek  Chapel  in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  (PI.  la,  Wilpert: 
Fractio,  PI.  XI).  There  are  five  pictures  of  the  theme  that  be- 
long to  the  second  century,  seven  to  the  third,  and  forty-one  to 
the  fourth,  three  of  which  are  absolutely  lost  now,  and  others 
are  in  a  very  precarious  state,  being  quite  fragmentary  or  greatly 
faded.  In  the  second  century  the  details  vary,  and  it  seemed 
to  require  about  a  hundred  years  to  establish  the  type  that  should 
be  invariable  for  the  following  centuries.  It  was  worked  out, 
however,  and  in  the  third  and  fourth  centuries  it  varies  only  in 
a  few  details.  The  formal  type  as  given  from  the  second  cen- 
tury consisted  in  the  following  elements :  the  tomb,  Lazarus 
in  the  wrappings  of  a  mummy  standing  in  the  doorway,  and  Christ 
in  pallium  standing  before  the  tomb  and  touching  Lazarus  with 
a  wand  or  rod.  The  five  paintings  of  the  second  century  are 
alike  in  this  respect,  that  in  all  of  them  the  tomb  is  seen,  and  this 
is  the  only  element  of  the  composition  in  which  they  agree. 
Indeed,  it  is  this  feature  alone  that  compels  us  to  accept  Wil- 
pert's  identification  of  the  first  one  of  the  series,  the  one  in 
the  Greek  Chapel.  As  well  as  the  scene  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus 
it  might  perhaps  be  interpreted  equally  well  as  portraying  the 
Resurrection  of  Christ.  The  painting  is  now  so  faded  and  so 
greatly  damaged  as  a  result  of  the  stalactite  formation  that 
covered  it  (and  yet  which  preserved  it  through  the  centuries), 
that  it  is  difficult  to  be  certain  of  the  details.  At  present  it  must 
be  studied  by  Wilpert's  plate,  and  we  shall  soon  have  to  depend 
entirely  upon  his  photograph. 

There  are  at  least  four  other  frescoes  of  this  theme  that  be- 
long to  the  second  century,  and  some,  following  De  Rossi,  think 
that  we  must  count  another,  now  destroyed,  in  the  Sacrament 
Chapel  A3  in  Callixtus  (2/2II).  These  paintings  differ  more  or 
less  in  detail.  Thus,  in  the  Johannine  or  "Passion"  Crypt  in  Prae- 
textatus  (PI.  Illa,  Mai.,  PI.  19-1  1/2II)  all  that  is  left  of  the 
painting  is  the  lower  part  in  which  we  see  the  steps  and  the  foun- 
dation of  the  tomb,  and  the  figures  of  Christ  in  short  pallium  and 
one  of  the  sisters  of  Lazarus.     In  the  Sacrament  Chapel  A2  in 


io8  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Callixtus  we  see  a  great  variation  in  composition  (PI.  VIIIc, 
Mai.,  PI.  39-1  2/2II).  The  facade  of  the  tomb  is  adorned  with 
columns.  Lazarus,  in  greatly  damaged  condition,  stands  in  front 
of  it,  and  Christ,  of  whom  only  a  fragment  remains,  is  nearby.  It 
is  probable  that  one  of  the  sisters  was  also  represented.  De  Rossi, 
as  was  remarked  above,  argued  that  in  the  neighboring  Sacrament 
Chapel  A3  there  was  also  a  fresco  of  the  scene,  since  the  two 
chapels  are  so  similar  in  themes  presented  and  even  in  the  de- 
tail of  their  arrangement.  In  the  Sacrament  Chapel  A6  (Mai., 
PI.  46-2  0)  II)  we  find  another  variation,  and  the  introduction  of 
an  element  that  becomes  stereotyped,  the  rod  which  Christ  holds 
in  His  left  hand.  The  tomb  has  a  narrow  doorway,  and  the 
tympanum  is  decorated  with  various  ornaments.  Lazarus 
is  partially  wrapped,  though  his  hands  and  legs  are  free,  and 
stands  in  front  of  the  tomb.  Christ  extends  His  right  arm  but 
does  not  touch  Lazarus.  His  rod  is  in  the  other  hand,  and  no  use 
is  made  of  it  whatever.    The  sister  is  missing. 

In  the  cubiculum  IV  in  Priscilla  (Mai.,  PI.  45-2  <a  II)  we  see 
the  type  as  ordinarily  found  in  the  third  and  fourth  centuries. 
Lazarus  as  a  mummy  stands  in  the  door  of  his  tomb,  which  is  of 
the  regular  form.  Christ  in  the  philosopher's  pallium  stands  a 
little  distance  away  and  touches  him  with  a  wand.  No  other  per- 
sons are  seen.  A  complete  catalog  of  all  the  remaining  frescoes 
of  the  theme,  with  accurate  and  technical  descriptions,  may  be 
found  in  Wilpert's  Pitture  (pp.  285ff,  and  corresponding  pages  in 
Malereien).  They  conform  in  more  or  less  detail  to  this  last  type, 
and  are  so  monotonous  and  uninteresting  arististically  that  speci- 
fic comment  is  omitted. 

2.  The  Woman  of  Samaria. ^*^ 

Next  of  the  themes  belonging  to  the  Johannine  cycle  absolutely 
is  the  incident  of  the  conversation  between  Christ  and  the  Samar- 
itan Woman  at  Jacob's  Well.  Four  pictures  only  of  this  scene 
have  come  down  to  us. 

The    fact   that    four   pictures   only   have   been   discovered,   of 

'*"  i/2lIPraet  PI.  Ilia,  Mai.,  PL  19;  2/2IIC  PI.  IVa,  Mai.,  PI.  29-2; 
1/2IIID  PI.  Vb,  Mai,  PI.  54-2;   (/.IIIP&M  Wilpert,  Cychis,  PI.  I-IV. 


Themes  Absolutely  Johannine  109 

which  but  three  survive,  might  be  significant  of  a  decHne  in 
popularity  of  the  theme,  or  of  recognized  difificulty  in  properly 
handling  it,  if  it  were  not  for  the  fact  that  they  are  all  early. 
Two  date  from  the  second  century,  and  the  remaining  two,  one 
being  preserved  in  copy  only,  are  located  before  the  middle  of  the 
third  century.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  great  mass  of  all 
paintings,  of  whatever  theme,  date  from  the  middle  of  the  third 
century  on  to  the  end  of  the  fourth,  so  these  four  paintings  make 
a  valuable  ratio  in  connection  with  those  of  other  themes  before 
the  middle  of  the  third  century. 

Yet  the  terminal  date  of  the  theme  is  indeed  significant.  It 
marks  the  passing  of  the  Johannine  cycle,  or  at  least  of  its  original 
stage.  Men  did  not  think  quite  so  much  of  the  spirituality  of  the 
Christian  life  and  its  continuity.  They  now  began  to  dwell 
more  on  the  magical  effects  of  the  sacraments,  in  connection  with 
the  development  of  ecclesiastical  hierarchy  and  polity.  In  the 
fourth  century  we  find  the  divine  Apostle  still  highly  honored, 
but  more  through  his  Apocalypse,  the  mysterious  beauty  of 
which  seemed  to  furnish  suitable  settings  for  portrayal  of  themes 
suggested  by  the  cult  of  the  Martyrs.  The  essence  of  this  cult 
dealt  with  the  vital  question  of  how  to  obtain  entrance  to  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem,  it  being  a  matter  of  secondary  consideration 
whether  that  was  a  spiritual  kingdom  or  not,  and  whether  it 
had  relation  to  the  spiritual  nature  of  the  Christian  life  on  this 
earth.  Wherefore  the  ethical  persuasive,  which  was  such  a 
strong  logical  consequent  of  the  early  Christian  conception  of 
continuous  life,  gave  way  more  or  less  before  the  mechanical  and 
physical  concepts  that  now  arose.  It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that 
the  Johannine  cycle  declined  at  this  time,  as  evidenced  by  the 
last  date  of  the  theme  of  the  Woman  of  Samaria. 

The  story  of  the  scene  at  Jacob's  Well  is  told  in  Jn.  4:1-42. 
The  points  emphasized  in  the  conversation  are,  (i)  the  fact  that 
Jesus  is  able  to  give  to  whom  He  will  the  living  water,  which 
''shall  be  in  him  a  well  of  water  springing  up  into  everlasting 
life"  (v.  14).  (2)  Spirituality  is  insisted  upon  (in  distinction 
to  formal  modes  of  worship).  "God  is  a  spirit:  and  they  that 
worship    him    must    worship    him    in    spirit    and    in    truth"    (v. 


no  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

24).  (3)  Jesus  is  declared  to  be  "the  Christ,  the  Saviour  of 
the  world"  (v.  42).  Spiritual  existence,  then,  in  this  world 
and  the  next  in  the  enjoyment  of  God  is  dependent  on  the 
gift  of  Christ,  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  and  is  typified  under  the 
figure  of  living  water.  Concrete  example  here  illustrates  the 
thought.  The  living  water  is  regarded  as  being  implanted  at  the 
occasion  of  baptism,  the  gracious  waters  of  which  cleanse  the 
soul  and  mark  the  beginning  of  everlasting  life. 

(i)  The  first  fresco  in  the  series  dates  from  the  first 
half  of  the  second  century,  and  is  in  the  catacomb  of  Praetex- 
tatus.  (PI.  Ilia,  Mai.,  PI.  19.  Cf.  also  Garrucci :  Storia,  II, 
38-3  and  Perret :  Catacombes  de  Rome,  I,  81.)  It  is  in  the 
Johannine  or  "Passion"  Crypt,  and  is  immediately  below  the 
fragment  of  the  scene  of  the  Raising  of  Lazarus  already  spoken 
of.  The  well  is  indicated  by  a  circular  curb  construction,  puteal, 
which  marked  the  opening  of  all  wells  and  cisterns.  On  the  one 
side  stands  Christ  in  girded  tunic  with  short  sleeves,  and  with  a 
purple  chlamys,  having  His  right  hand  raised  in  the  gesture  of 
speech.  Opposite  to  him  is  the  woman,  holding  in  her  two  hands 
a  narrow  vase.    She  is  clad  in  a  long  ungirded  tunic,  with  sleeves. 

The  painting  is  of  particular  merit,  being  in  admirable  classic 
style.  The  figures  by  their  attitudes  exhibit  plenty  of  life  and 
energy.  The  details,  however,  will  not  bear  close  inspection. 
Wilpert  remarks  on  it,  (Pitture,  p.  207),  "The  fresco,  considered 
from  the  point  of  style,  is  one  of  the  best  in  early  Christian 
Painting,  and  perhaps  better  than  all  the  other  compositions  shows 
that  the  first  artists  were  trained  in  the  classic  school ;  here  it  is 
perfectly  evident  that  as  yet  there  was  no  break  from  the  ancient 
traditions." 

The  fresco  is  interesting  and  unique  in  this  respect,  that 
Christ  is  painted  with  a  scarlet  chlamys.  Wilpert  and  his  fol- 
lowers suggest  the  peculiar  explanation :  that  in  connection  with 
this  painting  and  beside  it  we  have  the  fresco  now  celebrated, 
which  has  been  referred  to  above,  of  the  "Coronation  of  Thorns", 
in  which  the  soldiers  wear  the  chlamys,  which  was  a  part  of  the 
military  costume.  These  capes,  however,  are  yellow,  the  same 
color  as  their  tunics  and  Christ's  pallium.  St.  Matthew  says 
that     the     soldiers      "stripped     him,     and     put     on     him     a 


Themes  Absolutely  Johannine  in 

scarlet  robe  .  Kat  cKSvo-avres  airov  ;(Aa/u,vSa  kokklvtjv  irepudrjKav  avriZ 
(Mt.  27:28.). St.  Mark  says,  YiO'WOX&V ,  koX  hhihvcTKOvaivavTov  iropf^vpav 
(Mk.  15:17.).  St.  Luke  says  of  Pilate's  soldiers  only  that  they 
mocked  Christ  and  beat  Him,  but  adds  that  Herod  and  his  sol- 
diers arrayed  Him  in  gorgeous  apparel,  Trepi/SaAw  iaOrjra  Xafxirpdv 

(Lk.  22:63,  23-II-)-      St.  John  says,  Kat  IfidTLOv  Trop<f)vpovv  irepU/SaXov 

(Jn.  19:2.).  The  accounts  do  not  seem  to  agree  as  to  the 
nature  of  the  garment  furnished  by  the  soldiers,  but  they  unite 
in  saying  that  it  was  purple,  and  St.  Matthew  pronounces  it 
a  purple  chlamys,  and  this  is  what  we  have  represented  in  the 
scene  of  Christ  with  the  Samaritan  woman.  While  such  a  garment 
is  perfectly  legitimate  in  this  painting,  since  Christ  was  understood 
to  be  on  a  journey  and  exposed  to  the  weather,  yet  it  is  urgently 
demanded  in  the  scene  of  the  crowning  with  thorns,  in  which  it  is 
conspicuous  by  its  absence.  Wherefore  we  are  now  to  suppose 
an  error  on  the  part  of  the  artist,  a  lapsus  penicilli.  He  put  the 
purple  mantle  on  Christ  in  the  wrong  painting!  It  will  be  neces- 
sary to  refer  to  this  matter  again,  when  discussing  the  picture  of 
the  "Mockery  of  Christ." 

(2)  The  second  painting  in  the  series  is  to  be  found  in  the  cata- 
comb of  Callixtus,  in  the  Sacrament  Chapel  A3  (PI.  IVa,  Mai., 
PI.  29-2.  Cf.  De  Rossi:  R.  S.,  11,  tav.  XVH,  Garrucci:  Storia, 
n,  7-5.).  It  dates  from  about  the  end  of  the  second  century. 
The  peculiarity  of  this  painting  is  its  arrangement.  The  space 
allowed  for  the  fresco  was  too  narrow  for  the  action  to  be  all 
represented  on  a  single  plane,  so  it  is  divided  into  two  parts. 
Below  is  the  puteal,  into  which  the  woman  in  high-girded  tunic 
inserts  her  vessel,  a  rounded  pail  with  a  handle,  and  the  water 
splashes  forth  in  every  direction.^**  Above  is  Christ  seated  upon 
a  rock,  clothed  in  the  philosopher's  pallium  with  right  shoulder 
bare.  He  holds  in  both  hands  an  outstretched  roll  from  which  He 
is  represented  as  reading — evidently  the  words  of  His  conversation 
as  recorded  in  the  Gospel.  The  woman  is  reaching  down,  at  His 
invitation,  for  the  spiritual  water,  typified  by  the  splashing  water 
of  Jacob's  well. 

^"  Wilpert  says  that  the  woman  is  drawing  the  vessel  from  the  well, 
instead  of  inserting  into  it.  From  the  painting  it  is  difficult  to  account 
for  the  huge  splash  if  this  be  the  case.     Pitture,  p.  yj2. 


112  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

(3)  The  third  painting  was  in  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla 
(PI.  Vb,  Mai.,  PI.  54-2.  Cf.  Bosio:  R.  S.,  p.  245,  Garrucci: 
Storia,  II,  26-2.).  It  dated  from  the  first  half  of  the  third  cen- 
tury. At  present  it  is  entirely  destroyed,  having  been  ruined  in 
an  attempt  to  remove  it  from  its  wall  space.  Copies  had  been 
made  of  it,  however,  and  Wilpert  has  supplied  the  outlines 
in  his  photograph  of  the  wall.  The  scene  is  on  the  front  wall  of  an 
arcosolium,  and  is  divided  into  two  parts  by  a  painting  of  the  mul- 
tiplication of  loaves.  On  the  left  is  the  woman  holding  her  vessel 
above  the  well  opening  by  a  cord.  Her  vessel  has  the  appearance 
of  a  large  amphora.  On  the  right  stands  Christ  with  right  hand 
raised  in  the  act  of  speaking.  With  His  left  He  supports  a  fold 
in  His  garment  in  which  are  five  loaves.  The  artist  is  guilty  of 
an  error  in  his  sketch,  for  instead  of  making  the  figures  turn 
towards  each  other,  they  both  look  in  the  same  direction,  to  the 
right. 

(4)  The  concluding  picture  of  the  series  belongs  on  the  en- 
trance wall  of  a  cubiculum  in  the  catacomb  of  Peter  and  Mar- 
cellinus.  It  was  executed  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century 
(Wilpert :  Cychis,  PI.  I-IV.).  It  is  now  in  a  much  damaged  condi- 
tion, but  originally  was  a  very  satisfactory  painting  of  the  scene. 
The  well  separates  the  two  figures,  which  are  represented  in 
active  attitudes.  Christ  has  His  arm  raised  in  the  gesture  of 
speech,  and  the  woman  holds  her  vessel,  to  which  a  cord  is  at- 
tached, in  both  hands. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  essential  elements  of  each  of  the  four 
representations  of  the  scene  are,  Christ,  the  Samaritan  woman 
with  her  vessel,  and  the  well.  In  each  case  the  woman  has  her 
head  uncovered. 

Wilpert  makes  an  arbitrary  division  of  these  four  pictures  into 
two  groups  of  which  Nos.  i  and  4  symbolize  "faith  in  Christ 
the  promised  Messiah'V*"  and  Nos.  2  and  3  are  included  in  his 
list  of  "representations  expressing  prayer  for  the  admission  of  the 
deceased  into  felicity  (beatitudine),  and  symbolize  the  refri- 
gerium}^^  The  basis  of  this  classification  is  difficult  to  see,  unless 
perhaps  it  consists  in  this,  that  in  these  two  paintings  the  symbolic 

"=  Pitture,  p.  206ff. 
"'  Ihid.,  p.  SQofif. 


<j;5  ■ 


5^=lil-illiiip-it  2 

■■'"' 5'5-isi,  i-dg^s? 

8  i'i^% 


js||-|ltit||5|i: 


Ill^lUi^ 


•i^ii  III 
"^  1 1  s  ||.|  a 

C  E  S-S  s  5  5  |°j 


y. 


Themes  Absolutely  Johannine  113 

character  of  the  water  is  more  evident.  In  No.  2  the  water 
splashes  forth  from  the  well  mouth,  and  in  No.  3  the  woman 
holds  her  vessel  above  the  well  as  if  about  to  put  it  down  and 
draw.  But  this  spark  of  individuality  exhibited  by  the  artist  is 
not  a  sufficient  reason  for  forcibly  dividing  the  symbolism  of  the 
theme.  The  well  appears  in  all  four  paintings,  and  in  itself  is 
sufficient  to  suggest  the  "well  of  water  springing  up  into  eternal 
life"."^  In  all  four  pictures  Christ  is  depicted  talking  to  the 
woman,  the  climax  of  His  teaching  consisting  in  the  words,  "I 
that  speak  unto  thee  am  he"."^  In  Nos.  i,  3  and  4  this  fact  is 
illustrated  by  the  gesture  of  Christ  in  raising  His  right  hand 
towards  the  woman,  and  in  No.  2  the  same  is  made  clear  by  the 
unrolled  scroll  from  which  the  Saviour  reads  the  gracious  words. 

But  perhaps  the  basis  of  the  classification  is  to  be  found 
not  in  the  paintings  themselves,  but  rather  in  their  location  with 
respect  to  contiguous  paintings.  Thus,  No.  2  is  on  the  doorway 
to  the  entrance  of  the  so-called  Sacrament  Chapel  A3  in  the  cata- 
comb of  Callixtus.  In  a  gallery  of  the  second  half  of  the  second 
century  there  is  a  series  of  five  of  these  "Sacrament  Chapels",  in 
which  one  or  both  of  the  sacraments  of  the  Church  are  represented 
or  symbolized.  In  the  Chapel  A3  are  the  following  subjects: 
the  Good  Shepherd,  genii,  vases,  birds,  Moses  Striking  the 
Rock,  the  Woman  of  Samaria,  a  fisherman,  Baptism,  the  Paraly- 
tic healed,  Jonah  cast  from  the  ship,  saved  from  the  sea-mon- 
ster and  reclining  under  the  gourd.  Multiplication  of  Loaves 
and  Fishes,  Veiled  Orant,  Scene  of  Feasting,  the  Sacrifice  of 
Abraham.  The  Resurrection  of  Lazarus  was  also  probably  paint- 
ed here.^*^  In  this  series  Baptism  is  plainly  represented,  and 
may  be  symbolized  under  the  themes  of  Moses  at  the  Rock,  the 
fisherman  and  the  history  of  Jonah,  and  possibly  the  Paralytic; 
and  the  Eucharist  may  be  depicted  under  the  scene  of  feasting, 
and  symbolized  under  the  Multiplication  theme  or  the  blessing  of 
the  fish  and  loaves  on  the  tripod. 

Inasmuch  as  the  scene  at  Jacob's  Well  is  included  in  this  series, 

"7n.  4.-I4- 

"'  Jn.  4  .26,  iyui  itfXL  6  AaXaJi/  <tol. 

^^  Pitture,  PI.  26-2,  3;  27-3;  29-2;  41-1,  2,  3.  Cf.  Wilpert:  Die  Sakra- 
tnents  Kappellen. 


114  ^^-  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

and  since  it  is  held  that  here  we  have  a  distinct  sacramental 
cycle,  it  might  seem  as  reasonable  to  include  this  painting  under 
the  list  of  symbols  of  baptism  as,  for  example,  the  incident  of 
Moses  striking  the  rock  in  the  wilderness  and  causing  the  life- 
giving  water  to  rush  forth.  The  saving  water  is  one  of  the  fea- 
tures of  either  scene,  and  if  one  symbolizes  baptism  the  other  may 
also  with  equally  good  ground. ^^°  But  as  has  been  said  above, 
this  author  prefers  to  regard  the  painting  of  the  Samaritan 
Woman  in  the  Sacrament  Chapel  as  a  symbol  of  the  refrigerium, 
the  heavenly  delight  of  the  soul  which  has  attained  the  enjoyment 
of  celestial  felicity. 

This  Wilpert  thinks  is  further  illustrated  by  painting  No. 
3  in  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla,  in  which  the  figure  of  the  woman 
is  separated  from  that  of  Christ  by  a  painting  of  the  Multiplication 
of  Loaves,  ordinarily  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  the  Eucharist; 
and  besides,  Christ  holds  five  loaves  in  a  fold  of  His  garment. 
This  is  indeed  the  refrigerium,  says  Wilpert,  and  holds  a  relation 
to  the  eucharistic  painting  of  efifect  to  cause,  that  is,  having 
duly  observed  the  eucharistic  sacrament  the  Christian  at  death 
obtains  the  refrigerium.  Entrance  into  heaven  then  would  seem 
to  be  conditioned  upon  a  due  observance  of  the  sacrament. 

As  previously  remarked,  there  is  fair  reason  for  regarding 
the  scene  of  the  conversation  at  Jacob's  well  depicted  in  the  Sacra- 
ment Chapel  as  a  symbol  of  Baptism,  and  the  same  is  true  for 
the  painting  in  Domitilla.  In  such  case  we  would  have  both  sacra- 
ments symbolized  side  by  side,  with  the  added  feature  that  the 
artist  of  his  individual  caprice  saw  fit  to  place  some  loaves  in  the 
fold  of  Christ's  garment,  perhaps  from  very  continuity  with  the 
scene  of  the  Multiplication  miracle  in  which  they  are  con- 
cealed in  the  baskets,  or  perhaps  rather  for  the  further  enrich- 
ment of  the  eucharistic  symbolism,  by  which  Christ  who  pro- 
vides the  living  water  also  furnishes  the  bread  of  life  out  of 
heaven.  Indeed,  this  third  painting  in  the  series  of  the  Samaritan 
Woman  illustrates  exactly  the  words  of  Christ  to  the  multitude 
by  the  sea  of  Tiberias,  eyw  ei/xi  6  apros  t^s  ^w^s  •   6  ipxofxevos  vp6<;  ifii 

""  Wil^ert's  list  of  symbols  of  Baptism  consists  of  the  Evangelical 
Fisher,  the  Healing  of  the  Paralytic  at  the  Pool,  and  Miracle  of  Moses 
Striking  the  Rock,  Pitture,  p.  241  flf. 


Themes  Absolutely  Johannine  115 

ov  /J-Yj  TTUvacTrj,  Kat  6  Trtorrevojv  eis  f/u.e  ov  fxrj  Suf/rjcrtL  TrwTroTC  (Jn.  6:35.)' 
Certainly  if  one  wishes  to  regard  the  incident  at  Jacob's  Well 
as  a  symbol  of  refrigerium  there  can  be  no  great  objection,  only 
in  that  case  all  four  paintings  must  be  taken  equally  for  such 
symbolism,  and  not  two  selected  from  them.  But  if  this  is  done 
the  following  fact  must  be  allowed,  that  the  living  water  which  re- 
freshes the  thirsty  soul  must  not  be  confined  to  the  realm  of  para- 
dise, but  is  rather  the  very  source  of  the  soul's  salvation,  a 
spring  of  joy  and  comfort  in  this  life  as  well  as  furnishing  en- 
trance to  and  happiness  in  that  which  is  to  come.  If  we  apply 
Wilpert's  dictum  of  examining  first  of  all  the  pictures  themselves 
and  in  connection  with  the  font  from  which  they  derive  their  con- 
tent, i.  e.,  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  and  accordingly  investigate  the 
account  of  the  scene  as  recorded  in  St.  John's  Gospel,  we  find  that 
as  far  as  the  water  is  concerned  its  significance  is  expressed  in 
the  words,  os  8'  a.v  TTi-q  ex  Tov  vSaTOS  ov  eyto  Swcrto  avrw,  ov  firj  8nj/-q(rei 
eh  TOV  alwa,  aWa  to  v8wp  o  iyio  Swcro)  avraJ  yevj^aerai  iv  avrw  Trrjyr] 
vSaros  dXXo/xivov  ch  ^wrjv  alu)viov  (Jn.  4:14.).  In  Other  words,  this 
water  is  the  source  of  the  Christian's  life,  and  is  his  continuous 
refreshment.  It  nourishes  him  through  all  the  days  of  his 
earthly  journey  to  such  an  extent  that  he  no  longer  suffers 
from  thirst  of  spirit,  and  it  cheers  him  eternally,  "springing 
up  unto  eternal  life".  This  divine  water  gladdened  the  Christian 
by  assuring  him  of  his  salvation  through  the  Provider  of  the  same, 
and  also  had  the  force  of  an  ethical  persuasive,  instructing  him  in 
the  Christian  graces.  It  may  properly  be  said  to  symbolize  the 
entire  continuous  Christian  life,  having  its  fundamental  source  in 
Christ's  salvation,  and  its  effervescent  flow  throughout  eternity. 
To  the  intelligent  Christian  of  the  second  century,  familiar  with 
St.  John's  Gospel,  this  is  what  the  theme  must  have  signified,  to- 
gether with  the  rich  symbolism  of  Christ  the  promised  Messiah,  the 
Saviour  of  the  World. ^'^ 

"'•The  above  is  pointedly  confirmed  by  an  address  of  Jesus  at 
Jerusalem,  to  which  St.  John  added  an  explanation  of  what  Christ  meant 
by  "living  water"  6  TrtcrrevcDV  ets  €/a€,  Ka6u>s  clttcv  t]  ypacfir],  Trora/xot  e/c 
T^?  KotXwis  avTov  pevcTovdLV  vSaros  ^wvtos,  tovto  Bi  eiTrev  Trepl  tov  7rvev/u.aTOs 
ov  ^/xeXAov  Xa/jL/SdveLv  ot  inaTevovTe^  eis  avTov.  By  "living  water,"  then, 
Christ  symbolized  the  Spirit  which  was  to  be  the  true  source  of  life  and 
refreshment  to  all  who  should  believe  on  Him. 


ii6  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

True  enough,  these  paintings  decorate  the  walls  of  the 
chamber  of  death,  and  may,  with  propriety,  be  investi- 
gated for  eschatalogical  significance.  One  would  scarcely 
deny  that  heavenly  bliss  of  the  deceased  {refrigerium^^-)  may 
be  and  is  symbolized.  But  by  the  Christian  who  had  a  gleaning  of 
the    import  of    St.  John's  Gospel,    refrigerium  of    the    blessed 


"'  Naturally  enough  in  the  times  of  peril  during  the  second  and  third 
centuries,  and  under  the  apparently  well-authenticated  opinion  that  here 
they  had  no  continuing  city,  the  Christian  earnestly  desired  the  heavenly 
refrigerium,  and  largely  confined  the  use  of  the  term  to  the  defunct 
state.  There  are  many  inscriptions,  even  as  early  as  the  third  century, 
that   express  the   following   sentiments : 

BOLOSA  DEVSTI 

BI    REFRIGERET    QVAE    VI 

XIT  ANNOS  XXXI  RECESSIT 

DIE  XIII  KAL  OCTB 

(Mus.  Lot.   Christ.,  XI,   12.) 

PRIVATA  DVLCIS 

IN     REFRIGERIO 

ET     IN     PACE 
(De  Rossi:  Bull.  Crist.,  1886,  p.  129.) 

VICTORIA  REFRIGERe^ 

ISSPIRITVS  TVS  IN  BONo 
(Catacomb  of  Domitilla.) 
lANVARIA  BENE  REFRIGERA  ET  ROGA  P 

RO  NOS  (Catacomb  of  Callixtus.) 

The  late  inscriptions  also  contain  the  proper  names  REFRIGERIVS 
and  REFRIGERIA.  Cf.  De  Rossi:  Inscript.  Christ.,  I,  pp.  88,  158.  Cf. 
also  on  the  refrigerium,  Tertullian :  De  Monog.,  10,  Passio  S.  Perpetuae, 
2 :3,  4,  and  various  liturgies,  such  as  the  Sacram.  Gregor.  in  Muratori : 
Liturg.  Rom.  Vet.,  II,  p.  4,  "Ipsis  et  omnibus  in  Christo  quiescentibus 
locum  refrigerii,  lucis  et  pacis,  ut  indulgeas,  deprecamur,  etc."  Wilpert's 
list  of  themes  "representing  prayer  for  the  admission  of  the  deceased  into 
eternal  happiness",  consists  of  the  following :  Elia  rapito  in  cielo,  II 
defunto  accolto  nella  beatitudine  dalla  navicella  della  Chiesa  sbattuta 
dalla  tempesta,  Mose  che  si  scioglie  i  sandali,  La  parabola  delle  vergini 
prudenti  e  delle  stolte,  and  La  Samaritana  al  pozzo  di  Giacobbe,  il 
Refrigerium  (Pitture,  p.  384fif.).  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  these  themes 
symbolize  the  prayer  of  the  defunct,  however  much  they,  along  with 
numerous  other  themes,  may  represent  the  perilous  passage  by  which 
the  Christian  enters  Heaven,  even  when  carried  thither  by  the  storm- 
tossed  ship  of  the  Church,  and  however  much  they  may  represent  also 
the  refreshment  granted  to  the  one  thus  happily  arrived. 


Themes  Absolutely  Johannine  117 

defunct  might  properly  be  regarded  as  the  consummation  of  the 
refreshment  furnished  to  those  same  weary  souls  in  their  jour- 
ney on  this  earth. 

3.  The  Miracle  of  the  Wine  at  Cana  of  Galilee. ^^^ 

A  third  theme  treated  in  the  catacomb  frescoes,  narrated  by  St. 
John  only,  is  the  miracle  performed  by  our  Lord  at  the  marriage 
feast  in  Cana  of  Galilee.  The  supply  of  wine  failed  the  guests  and 
Jesus  ordered  six  waterpots  to  be  filled  with  water  and  then  to  be 
drawn  for  the  ruler  of  the  feast,  when  it  was  found  that  the  water 
was  converted  into  wine  (Jn.  2:1-11).  Two  pictures,  with  a 
possible  third,  depicting  this  scene,  have  come  down  to  us. 

The  first  of  these  paintings  dates  from  the  middle  of  the  third 
century.  All  three  are  found  in  the  catacomb  of  Peter  and 
Marcellinus  on  the  Via  Labicana.  The  theme  is  common  on  sar- 
cophagi, however  rare  it  be  in  painting,  and  is  recognized  immed- 
iately by  the  ordinary  elements;  the  figure  of  Christ  standing  and 
touching  with  a  rod  a  row  of  six  water  jars  (as  distinguished  from 
the  baskets  containing  loaves  in  the  multiplication  miracles,  which 
in  other  respects  are  often  similar).  Points  of  interest  then  about 
these  paintings  are,  (i)  that  they  are  confined  to  one  catacomb 
which  is  especially  rich  in  themes  portraying  the  miracles  of 
Christ,  and  (2)  that  they  are  of  the  later  period  of  Catacomb 
Painting. 

When  we  investigate  the  source  of  this  painting,  in  endeavoring 
to  interpret  its  significance,  we  obtain  but  little  satisfaction.  We 
are  struck  with  the  fact  that  Mary  had  faith  in  the  divine  nature 
of  her  Son  before  He  had  performed  a  supernatural  act.^^*  The 
event  had  significance  at  the  time  thus,  ravr-qv  iTrotrja-ev  apxv^  t^^v 
(TrffJi£L<jiv  o  Irjaov'i  iv  Kava  t^s  raXtAat'a?  /cat  e^avepoxrev  ttjv  oo$av  avTOV, 
Koi  CTTUTTevcrav  eis  aiirov  ot  fxaO-qral  avTOv  (Jn.  2:il.).  As  far  as  the 
Scriptures  are  concerned  we  have  to  do  with  a  miracle  in  which, 
as  in  the  other  miracles  which  Christ  performed,  the  object  was 
to  induce  in  the  minds  of  those  present  faith  in  His  divinity  and 


'1/2IIIP&M    PI.   Vllb,   Mai.,   PI.   57;    i/^IVP&M    PI.    IVb,   Mai.,    PI. 
-i;     wIIIP&M   Mai.,   PI.    105-2    (?). 
'Jn.  2:3-5. 


ii8  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Messiahship.^^^  Few  would  be  inclined  to  deny  this  didatic  pur- 
pose to  the  paintings  themselves,  as  to  the  written  source  of  the 
same,  but  the  evidence  of  certain  facts  that  impress  themselves 
upon  us  concerning  the  Church  of  the  late  third  and  the  fourth 
centuries  requires  that  we  consider  this  theme  in  the  light  of  its 
historical  and  archaeological  setting.  Considering,  then,  the 
paintings  themselves : 

(i)  The  first  painting,  dating  from  the  first  half  of  the  third 
century,  fills  the  lunette  of  an  arcosolium  in  a  double  cubiculum 
(PI.  Vllb,  Mai.,  PI.  57).  The  painting  is  greatly  faded,  due  to 
imperfect  finishing,  but  is  preserved  satisfactorily.  It  portrays 
the  marriage  feast,  which  is  treated  as  any  other  scene  of  eating, 
and  differs  in  no  respect  from  the  many  frescoes  in  the  catacombs 
representing  a  scene  at  a  table.  Seven  persons  are  reclining  at 
the  sigma  table.  In  front  is  a  tripod,  as  found  in  similar  scenes. 
To  the  right  appears  a  servant  bearing  a  large  platter  which  he 
holds  in  a  napkin  or  towel  and  presents  to  the  man  in  cornii  dcxtro. 
A  curious  feature  about  this  servant  is  the  fact  that  he  wears  long 
hair  which  falls  down  over  his  shoulders  in  ringlets.  Counter- 
balancing the  servant  stands  the  figure  of  Christ  in  pallium  toiich- 
ing  with  a  rod  the  six  water  jars,  which  are  in  the  lower  fore- 
ground. The  scene  is  thus  identified.  As  was  remarked  previous- 
ly (p.  67),  this  picture  is  accompanied  by  a  series  in  the 
vault  of  the  arcosolium:  below,  on  either  side,  a  scene  of  baptism, 
and  Moses  striking  the  rock  which  is  frequently  regarded  as  a 
symbol  of  baptism,  and  above  these  two,  in  the  center,  a  veiled 
orant. 

(2)  Wilpert  gives  good  reason  for  believing  that  on  the  en- 
trance wall  of  cubiculum  33,  dating  from  the  end  of  the  third 
century,  the  fragments  that  remain  are  a  part  of  a  picture  of  the 
miracle  in  which  Christ  touches  the  amphoras  with  His  rod  (Mai., 
Pi.  105-2,  cf.  Pitture,  p.  279.).  All  that  remains  is  the  head  and 
side  of  Christ,  but  inasmuch  as  on  the  wall  opposite  is  to  be  seen  a 
basket,  evidently  belonging  to  the  multiplication  miracle,  and  the 
scenes  of  healing  ordinarily  painted  in  this  catacomb  are  on  wall 
spaces  adjoining,  or  else  could  not  on  account  of  their  customary 

^"Cf.  Jn.  2:23;  10:25,  2>7,  38;  11:27,  42;  14:11;  Mt.  11:2-6;  Mk. 
2:10;  Lk.  7:19-23. 


Themes  Absolutely  Johannine  119 

arrangement^'*^  find  space  or  trace,  it  is  a  probable  guess  at  least 
that  here  the  wine  miracle  was  portrayed.  The  guess  is  strength- 
ened by  the  considerations  that  the  scene  containing  the  water 
jars  alone  can  find  exact  room  here,  supposing  that  it  be 
treated  as  in  paintings  Nos.  i  and  3,  and  that  it  occupies  a  space 
in  exact  relation  to  the  scene  of  the  Multiplication  of  Loaves,  as 
is  the  case  also  in  No.  3. 

(3)  The  third  painting  dates  from  about  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century  (PI.  IVb,  Mai.,  PI.  186-1).  It  is  in  the  vault  of 
an  arcosolium  in  the"Crypt  of  the  Wine  Miracle".  It  is  in  frag- 
mentary condition,  but  Christ  may  be  seen  touching  with  a  rod 
one  of  the  six  double-handled  amphoras  with  narrow  necks.  The 
painter  mistook  the  number  of  vessels  in  the  Johannine  account 
and  started  to  sketch  a  seventh  when  he  discovered  his  error,  and 
so  left  it  unfinished.  The  painting  is  symmetrically  balanced  with 
the  miracle  of  the  Multiplication  of  Loaves,  which  it  so  closely 
resembles  (the  difference  consisting  in  amphoras  instead  of 
baskets).  The  center  of  the  vault  is  occupied  by  a  picture  of 
Noah  in  his  ark.  In  the  lunette  are  fragments  of  a  scene  of 
feasting,  in  which  seven  persons  are  grouped  around  a  sigina 
table,  and  the  hand,  presumably  of  a  servant,  extends  a  cup  before 
the  sigma.  A  tripod  was  probably  depicted  in  front  of  the 
sigma}'^'^ 

Of  these  three  paintings  it  will  be  noted  that  the  parts  neces- 
sary for  identification  are  Christ  and  the  water  jars.  This  1= 
in  accord  with  the  law  of  simplicity  in  catacomb  symbolism. 
Only  the  things  necessary  for  the  idea  of  the  painting  are  intro- 
duced, and  no  serious  attempt  at  realism  is  made.  In  this  way 
the  symbolic  effect  is  emphatically  heightened.  Thus,  in  this 
series  only  the  first  depicts  the  marriage  feast,  and  even  it  is 
symbolic.  There  is  nothing  about  it  to  indicate  a  wedding,  save 
perhaps  the  green  leaves  scattered  before  the  sigma.  The  power 
of  Christ  is  symbolized  by  the  rod  with  which  He  touches  the 
vessels,  of  which  rod  there  is  no  mention  whatever  in  Scripture. 

What  then  is  the  symbolism  of  the  theme,  as  understood  in 

^  This  law  of  arrangement  is  one  that  is  seldom  violated,  and  permits 
a  weighty  argument. 
""^  Cf.  the  restoration  of  this  painting  in  Pitture,  p.  279,  fig.  25. 


120  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

the  third  and  fourth  centuries?  There  can  be  no  doubt,  as  pre- 
viously pointed  out,  that  an  eucharistic  significance  was  intend- 
ed. In  the  first  picture  it  probably  symbolized  the  entire  sacra- 
ment of  the  Eucharist,  inasmuch  as  Baptism  is  treated  on  the  wall 
contiguous ;  while  in  No.  3,  and  possibly  in  No.  2,  it  symbolizes 
the  wine  only,  because  the  bread  is  symbolized  by  the  Multiplica- 
tion miracle. 

Only  a  few  of  the  Ante-Nicene  Fathers  touch  on  the  symbolism 
of  the  Wine  miracle.  Cyprian  (200-258)  writes  as  follows, 
"But  how  perverse  and  how  contrary  it  is,  that  although  the 
Lord  at  the  marriage  made  wine  of  water,  we  should  make  water 
of  wine,  when  even  the  sacrament  of  that  thing  ought  to  admon- 
ish and  instruct  us  rather  to  offer  wine  in  the  sacrifices  of  the 
Lord."^^^  With  this  eucharistic  symbolism  Irenaeus  (120-202) 
seems  to  agree  when  he  says,  "When  Mary  was  urging  Him  to 
perform  the  wonderful  miracle  of  the  wine,  and  was  desirous 
before  the  time  to  take  of  the  cup  of  emblematic  significance, 
the  Lord,  checking  her  untimely  haste,  said,  'Woman,  what  have 
I  to  do  with  thee?  Mine  hour  is  not  yet  come'."^^^  But  Ire- 
naeus also  gave  a  different  interpretation  to  this  miracle,  as  well 
as  to  that  of  the  Multiplication  of  Loaves  in  this  passage,  "But 
that  wine  was  better  which  the  Word  made  from  water,  on  the 
moment,  and  simply  for  the  use  of  those  who  had  been  called 
to  the  marriage.  For  although  the  Lord  had  power  to  supply 
wine  to  those  fasting,  independently  of  any  created  substance, 
and  to  fill  with  food  those  who  were  hungry.  He  did  not  adopt 
this  course ;  but,  taking  the  loaves  which  the  earth  had  produced, 
and  giving  thanks,  and  on  the  other  occasion  making  water  wine. 
He  satisfied  those  who  were  reclining,  and  gave  drink  to  those 
who  had  been  invited  to  the  marriage ;  showing  that  the 
God  who  made  the  earth,  and  commanded  it  to  bring  forth 
fruit,  who  established  the  waters,  and  brought  forth  the  fountains, 
was  He  who  in  these  last  times  bestowed  upon  mankind,  by  His 
Son,  the  blessing  of  food  and  the  favor  of  drink:  the  Incompre- 
hensible, and  the  Invisible  by  the  visible ;  since  there  is  none  be- 

"* Cyprian:    Ep.  63:12  in  Migne,  4,  383    (394). 
"*  Irenaeus:  Adv.  Haers.,  Ill,  16,  7. 


Themes  Absolutely  Johannine  121 

yoncl  Him,  but  he  exists  in  the  bosom  of  the  Father."^''°  This 
meaning  naturally  belongs  to  the  miracle,  but  in  the  third  and 
fourth  centuries  the  eucharistic  significance  prevailed,  as  is  con- 
firmed by  both  the  literary  and  archaeological  evidence. 

Here  appears  the  significance  of  the  fact,  as  noted  by  Wil- 
pert,  that  as  the  third  century  drew  on,  the  representation  of  the 
miracle  of  the  Multiplication  of  Loaves  and  Fishes  confined 
itself  to  the  loaves  alone.^®^  The  fishes  were  excluded. ^*^'  At  the 
same  time  as  the  fish  lost  its  second  century  popularity  as  an 
eucharistic  symbol  we  observe  the  introduction  of  the  theme  of 
the  miracle  of  the  Wine  at  Cana.  Loaves  and  Wine  were  left — 
bread  and  wine,  the  legitimate  eucharistic  elements. 

Here  we  may  repeat  what  was  affirmed  in  the  chapter  on  the 
origin  of  eucharistic  symbolism,  that  the  complete  significance 
is  to  be  seen  in  an  attempt  at  portrayal  of  the  spiritual  meaning  of 


""Irenaeus:  Adv.  Haer.,  Ill,  11,  5.  Further  references  in  the  Fathers 
are  Hippolytus  (170-236),  Philosopheumena,  V,  3,  where  he  explains  the 
gnostic  heresy  of  the  Naasseni,  and  gives  their  wrested  interpretation 
of  the  miracle,  "And  th's  is  the  water  in  those  fair  nuptials  which 
Jesus  changing  made  into  wine.  This,  he  says,  is  the  mighty  and  true 
beginning  of  miracles  which  Jesus  performed  in  Cana  of  Galilee,  and 
thus  manifested  the  kingdom  of  heaven."  Tertullian,  De  Testimonio 
Animae,  17,  in  vindicating  the  fidelity  of  the  senses  against  Plato  remarks, 
"true  and  real  was  the  draught  of  that  wine  at  the  marriage  of  (Cana 
in)  Galilee";  and  in  eulogizing  water  for  purposes  of  baptism  says,  {De 
Bapt.,  9),  Christ  "inaugurates  in  water  the  first  rudimentary  displays  of 
His  power,  when  invited  to  the  nuptials".  In  his  characteristic  style  Ter- 
tullian gives  his  opinion  of  marriage  in  the  tract  De  Monog.,  8;  Christ 
"sups  once  for  all  at  a  single  marriage,  though,  of  course,  many  were 
marrying  (whose  marriage  feasts  he  may  have  attended  if  He  wished)  ; 
for  He  willed  to  attend  (marriages)  only  so  often  as  (He  willed)  them 
to  be."  In  the  Apostolic  Constitutions,  V,  7,  we  read,  "He  that  .  .  . 
out  of  water  made  wine  .  .  .  will  raise  the  dead."  From  this  varied 
testimony  of  the  Fathers  one  learns  not  to  be  too  dogmatic  in  interpre- 
tation, but  to  allow  to  the  same  theme  a  variety  of  significant  meanings. 
Thus,  one  can  hardly  deny  to  the  miracle  at  Cana  the  symbolism  of  the 
power  of  the  divine  Christ  to  supply  food  and  drink  to  the  weary  Chris- 
tian, as  Irenaeus  affirms,  and  also  to  raise  the  dead,  as  the  liturgy  in 
the  Apostolic  Constitutions  declares. 

^^  Pitture,  p.  277.  ' 

^°"  See   above,   pp.   89,   91  f. 


122  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Jesus'  discourse  at  Capernaum,  as  narrated  by  St.  John,  con- 
cerning the  Bread  of  Life  which  came  down  from  heaven,  and  the 
necessity  of  feeding  on  that  Bread.  The  cHmax  was  reached  in 
the  declaration,  a/x-qv  afx-qv  Ae'yw  vfuv,  lav  fXYj  f^ayiqTC  rrjv  aapKa  tov  vlov 
Tov  dv9p(i)7rov  Kol  TTirjTe  avTov  to  alfjui,  ovk  €)(eTe  ^oirjv  iv  caurots.  6  Tpoyyuiv 
fiov  Trjv  crapKa  Kai  ttlvwv  p.ov  to  atfxa  l^^et  ^wrjv  alwviov,  Kayu)  dvacTT^crd)  avTov 
Trj   €(T)^dTrj  r]p.ipa.     rj  yap  crdp$  p.ov   dXiqOrj^    Icttlv   ySpwatSjKai   to  oXp.d  p,ov 

aKr)6r]<;  idTLv  TroVts  (Jn.  6 :53-55.).  Whoever  partakes  of  the  euchar- 
istic  elements,  bread  and  wine,  has  the  promise  of  eternal  life, 
as  well  as  the  resurrection.  It  would  seem,  at  least,  that  the  words 
of  Christ  were  so  understood  by  a  fourth  century  artist  who  ex- 
pressed the  words  symbolically  in  the  vault  of  an  arcosolium  near 
cubiculum  XIII  in  the  catacomb  of  Peter  and  Marcellinus.^"^  The 
painting  dates  from  the  first  part  of  the  fourth  century.  It  is  a 
medallion  painting  in  the  center  of  the  vault.  Christ  is  seated, 
and  with  the  right  hand  makes  a  gesture  of  speech,  and  with  the 
left  holds  a  roll  somewhat  opened.  Below  to  His  right  is  a 
large  box  filled  with  loaves  of  bread,  while  to  His  left  are  several 
long-necked,  double-handled  amphoras.  The  large  box  is  a  var- 
iant from  the  baskets  that  ordinarily  hold  the  loaves  of  the  Multi- 
plication miracle,  but  it  is  not  an  essential  difference.  The  sym- 
bolism of  the  loaves  is  the  same.^***  The  amphoras  are  a  certain 
reference  to  the  miracle  at  Cana.  Christ  is  visibly  portrayed  ex- 
plaining the  significance  of  the  bread  and  wine,  even  as  in  the 
words  quoted  from  St.  John's  Gospel,  the  words  which  His 
hearers  pronounced  a  "hard  saying". ^^^  The  above  interpreta- 
tion is  assisted  by  the  fact  that  the  front  of  the  arcosolium  pre- 


^^Mal,   PI.   166-1    1/2IVP&M. 

^'^  Wilpert  (Pitture,  p.  282)  says  that  this  box  or  chest  was  the  area 
in  which  the  consecrated  bread  was  preserved,  quoting  Cyprian,  De  Lapsis, 
26,  "Et  cum  quaedam  arcam  suam  in  qua  Domini  sanctum  fuit  manibus 
indignis  (immundis)  tentasset  (temptasset)  aperire,  etc." 

^^Jn.  6:60.  The  painting  was  discovered  by  Bosio,  and  was  reproduced 
by  his  copyist,  Avanzini.  Cf.  Bosio :  R.  S.,  p.  395.  Cf.  also  Garrucci : 
Storia,  II,  57-2.  Bosio  and  his  artist  entirely  mistook  the  identification, 
for  they  described  and  copied  it  as  the  scene  of  the  sacrifice  of  Abraham 
{Pitture,  p.  282).  Cf.  with  this  painting  the  silver  box  of  Milan  on  which 
the  theme  is  very  similiarly  treated,  Graven  :  "Ein  altchr.  Silberkasten" 
in  Zeitschr.  fiir  christliche  Knnst,  i88g,  taf.  I,  p.  iff. 


Themes  Absolutely  Johannine  1 23 

sents  a  scene  of  feasting,  although  such  proximity  is  by  no  means 
confirmatory  proof.^*^® 

One  significant  fact  confirms  the  eucharistic  interpretation  of 
the  Cana  theme,  and  that  is,  the  lateness  of  its  introduction. 
This  was  discussed  above,  in  the  chapter  on  eucharistic  symbolism, 
but  requires  further  notice  in  this  place.  The  Wine  miracle 
takes  the  place  of  the  fish  as  an  eucharistic  element  in  symbolism. 
The  fish  had  become  a  Christ  symbol,  according  to  the  acrostic, 
and  an  additional  eucharistic  symbol  was  needed.  This  was  pro- 
vided by  the  Wine  miracle,  which  was  both  similar  in  pictorial 
form  to  the  miracle  of  the  Loaves,  and  was  a  natural  companion 
to  it.  It  was  the  real  eucharistic  wine  furnished  by  Christ,  as  were 
the  eucharistic  loaves  in  the  Multiplication  theme.  Accordingly 
we  have  the  true  bread  and  the  true  drink,  Christ's  body  and 
blood,  the  real  eucharistic  elements,  provided  for  us  in  the  com- 
panion themes,  and  the  whole  symbolized  in  the  Fish,  no  longer 
a  semi-eucharistic  figure.  The  late  introduction  of  the  Cana  theme 
is  thus  seen  to  confirm  its  eucharistic  interpretation,  and  to  be  a 
significant  fact  in  investigation. 

From  all  of  the  above  we  may  deduce  the  rule  that  when  bas- 
kets of  bread  and  amphoras  or  other  vessels  for  containing 
liquids  are  found  together,  the  eucharistic  elements  of  bread  and 
wine  are  symboHzed.  The  instances  are  few :  Pitture,  fig.  26, 
p.  281  1/2IV  Mains  (two  hydrie  and  six  baskets).  Also  per- 
haps Mai.,  PI.  92-1  win  or  1/2IVD,  in  which  six  baskets  are  on 
one  side  of  an  orant,  and  the  other  side  is  so  destroyed  that  nothing 
remains,  but  it  is  a  fair  guess  that  here  the  wine  amphoras  were 
placed.  It  is  to  be  noted,  further,  that  vases  of  various  kinds 
had  been  common  enough  in  the  earlier  period,  whether  in  isolated 
instances,  or  with  doves  drinking  from  them.  Naturally,  the 
eucharistic  significance  is  not  so  certain  in  such  cases,  for  origin- 
ally they  served  a  purely  decorative  purpose,  as  in  Pagan  Art, 
and  when  symbolism  was  intended  it  may  have  had  reference  only 
to  the  living  water  that  refreshes  the  thirsty  soul,  as  mentioned  in 

^"Mal.,  PI.  167,  where  it  is  labeled  "funeral  banquet".  The  peculiarity 
of  the  picture  consists  in  the  fact  that  a  new  style  of  table  is  introduced, 
a  quadrangular  board  on  X  legs,  as  many  tables  are  made  to-day,  around 
which  the  persons  are  seated. 


124         ^f-  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

the  conversation  at  the  Well  in  Samaria,  or  perhaps  to  the  words 
of  Christ  pronounced  on  another  occasion,  eav  rts  Sn/'a,  ipx^aOw 
Koi  TTivcTO)  (Jn.  7:37.)-  According  to  these  last  words  such 
a  vessel  would  symbolize  Christ  Himself  as  the  very  source 
and  fountain  of  the  water  of  life."^ 


Cf.  Ap.  21  : 6,  Kai  etTreV  fxoL  •  yeyovav.  iyco  to  aXcfta  kol  to  co,  ^ 
apx^  KOL  TO  T€Xo<;.  lyw  ra  Buj/iovTL  Swo-cu  auToJ  ck  t^s  Trrjyrj'i  tov  vSutos 
Trj<i  ^w^s  SiDpedv. 


11.     THEMES  ARCHAEOLOGICALLY  JOHANNINE. 

There  are  some  themes  of  uncertain  interpretation,  or  having 
source  in  other  parts  of  Scripture  besides  St.  John's  Gospel, 
which  are  to  be  regarded  as  Johannine  because  of  reasons  purely- 
archaeological.  A  brief  outline  of  this  evidence  for  the  several 
themes,  with  an  estimate  of  the  symbolism,  is  all  that  may  be 
attempted.    Some  of  this  has  been  touched  upon  before. 

I.  The  Healing  of  the  Paralytic.^®* 

There  are  twenty  paintings  in  the  catacombs  which  have  the 
theme  of  the  Healing  of  the  Paralytic  for  a  subject.  The  Gos- 
pels narrate  two  distinct  incidents  in  which  a  paralytic  was  re- 
stored to  health.  In  the  one  case,  described  by  the  Synoptics,^^' 
the  miracle  took  place  at  Capernaum,  and  so  great  was  the  crowd 
about  Jesus  (as  SS.  Mark  and  Luke  inform  us),  and  so  great 
the  difficulty  of  approach,  that  the  four  men  bearing  the  suf- 
ferer carried  him  to  the  roof  of  the  house,  removed  the  tiles,  and 
lowered  the  man  on  his  "bed"  into  the  presence  of  Christ  who 
directly  healed  him  in  the  midst  of  an  audience  of  prominent 
individuals.  In  the  other  case,  which  is  recorded  by  St.  John 
only,  the  scene  was  quite  different.  It  took  place  at  Jerusalem, 
and  on  the  Sabbath  day.  Christ  saw  at  the  pool  of  Bethesda  a 
paralytic  who  had  been  afflicted  for  thirty-eight  years.  On  ac- 
count of  his  infirmity  he  was  unable  to  step  down  into  the  pool 
when  the  waters  were  troubled  and  be  healed.    "Jesus  saith  unto 


"^  allP  Fractio  PI.  VI;  2/2IIC  PI.  Illb,  Mai.,  PI.  27-3 ;,/.  Ill P&M 
Wilpert,  Cyclus,  PI.  I-IV;  ,/rIIIP&M  Mai.,  PI.  69;  i/^IIIP&M  PI.  68-2; 
2/2IIIN  PI.  74-1;  2/2IIIP&M  PI.  98;  (oIIIP&M  PI.  105-2;  alVP&M  PI. 
129;  1/2IVP&M  PI.  71-2;  i/2lVMaius  PI.  168;  xl/lVD  PI.  XII,  Mai.,  PI. 
197-2;  ij/lVvM  PI.  Vlllb,  Mai.,  PI.  212;  2/2lVMaius  PI.  220;  2/2lVMaius 
PI.  166-2;  2/2lVMaius,  2nd  arco  of  Magi  with  Star;  2/2lVMaius  PI. 
245-2;  2/2IVH  PI.  246;  2/2IVD  PI.  239;  Hypogeum  near  tomb  of  Scipios, 
Sketch  in  Bull.,  1886,  PI.  II,  2. 

'"Mt.  9:1-8;  Mk.  2:  1-12;  Lk.  5:  17-26. 


126  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

him,  Arise,  take  up  thy  bed  and  walk",  and  thus  he  was  made 
whole.i'^ 

The  theme  is  invariably  recognized  in  the  painting  of  a  man 
carrying  a  bed  on  his  shoulders.  This  "bed"  is  a  low  frame  with 
short  legs,  large  enough  to  accommodate  one  person."^  Usually 
the  restored  paralytic  is  represented  bending  forward  with  the 
cot  on  his  back,  the  legs  of  which  are  sometimes  in  the  air.  It  is 
obvious  that  this  treatment  applies  equally  well  to  either  scene, 
for  in  either  case  the  restored  man  walked  away,  carrying  his  bed. 
The  question  therefore  arises  whether  there  is  anything  about 
any  or  all  of  these  pictures  that  enables  us  to  identify  the  theme 
with  either  of  the  above  incidents.  Wilpert  affirms  that  there  is. 
Fifteen  that  contain  nothing  save  the  man  and  his  bed  (except 
in  two  instances  in  which  the  figure  of  Christ  is  added)  picture, 
he  thinks,  the  event  narrated  in  the  Synoptics. ^'^  The  earliest  of 
this  series  dates  from  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  and  most  ot 
them  are  in  the  fourth,  the  time  when  the  theme  was  popular  on 
the  sarcophagi.  These  fifteen  paintings  depicting  the  miracle  in 
the  Synoptics  typify  faith  in  the  divinity  of  Christ.  The  re- 
maining five  paintings  Wilpert  identifies  with  the  scene  in  St. 
John's  Gospel  on  evidence  purely  archaeological.  This  archaeo- 
logical evidence  rests  on  the  relation  of  the  several  paintings  to 
others  contiguous,  manifestly  symbolizing  baptism.  The  theme  is 
thus  to  be  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  baptism.  The  earliest  Hter- 
ary  support  for  this  is  Tertullian,  a  hundred  years  or  more  after 
the  date  Wilpert  assigns  to  the  first  of  the  series,  and  perhaps  half 
a  century  after  the  second. 

Wilpert  thus  holds  that  the  Johannine  miracle  is  a  symbol  of 
baptism,  along  with  the  themes  of  the  Evangelical  Fisher  and 
Moses  Striking  the  Rock,^'^^  apparently  denying  such  symbolism 

""  Jn.  5 : 1-18. 

"*  Such  was  the  form  of  bed  common  in  Rome,  as  further  illustrated 
by  actual  remains.  In  the  Orient,  however,  the  bed  more  probably  con- 
sisted of  simply  a  thin  mattress,  such  as  a  soldier's  blanket,  which  could 
be  rolled  up  readily,  and  deposited  at  a  different  place  on  the  following 
night. 

"^Pitture,  p.  201  ff.    (and  list). 

^"^Pitture,  p.  241  ff. 


Themes  Archaeologically  Johannine  127 

to  other  themes  such  as  Noah  and  Jonah  (although  they  are  so 
held  by  various  Fathers^^*)  on  the  ground  that  they  symbolize 
other  things.  We  have  previously  remarked  this  author's  ten- 
dency to  deny  more  than  one  symbolic  idea  to  the  same  theme, 
and  have  offered  criticism  on  the  ground  that  it  is  contrary  to 
the  very  nature  of  symbolic  thought.  In  respect  to  the  paralytic 
of  St.  John's  Gospel,  Tertullian  plainly  asserts  that  the  incident 
is  a  symbol  of  baptism,  because  an  angel  "troubled"  the  water  of 
the  pool  of  Bethesda,  and  this  angel  was  a  forerunner  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  who  is  present  at  baptism  and  enters  into  the 
cleansed  neophyte.  "Not  that  in  the  waters",  he  says,  "we  ob- 
tain the  Holy  Spirit;  but  in  the  water,  under  the  witness  of  the 
angel,  we  are  cleansed,  and  prepared  for  the  Holy  Spirit."^'^^  And 
this  angel  was  previously  typified  by  the  primeval  brooding  of  the 
Spirit  of  God  over  the  waters  before  creation.^'^*'  "Are  there  not 
other  cases  too,"  he  asks,  "in  which  without  any  sacrament,  un- 
clean spirits  brood  on  waters,  in  spurious  imitation  of  that  brood- 
ing of  the  Divine  Spirit  in  the  very  beginning?  Witness  all 
shady  founts,  and  all  unfrequented  brooks,  and  the  ponds  in  the 
baths,  and  the  conduits  in  private  houses,  or  the  cisterns  and  wells 
which  are  said  to  have  the  property  of  'spiriting  away',  through 
the  power,  that  is,  of  a  hurtful  spirit.  Men  whom  waters  have 
drowned  or  affected  with  madness  or  with  fear,  they  call  nymph- 
caught  (  voix<f}oXv7rTovs  ),  or  'lymphatic'  or  'hydrophobic'.  Why 
have  we  adduced  these  instances  ?  Lest  any  think  it  too  hard  for 
belief  that  a  holy  angel  of  God  should  grant  his  presence  to 
waters,  to  temper  them  to  man's  salvation ;  while  the  evil  angel 
holds  frequent  profane  commerce  with  the  selfsame  element  to 
man's  ruin.  If  it  seems  a  novelty  for  an  angel  to  be  present  in  waters, 
an  example  of  what  was  to  come  to  pass  has  forerun.  An  angel, 
by  his  intervention,  was  wont  to  stir  the  pool  at  Bethsaida.  They 
who  were  complaining  of  ill  health  used  to  watch  him;  for  who- 
ever had  been  the  first  to  descend  into  them,  after  his  washing, 
ceased  to  complain.     This  figure  of  corporeal  healing  sang  of  a 

"*  Cf.,  e.  g.,  Cyprian :    Ep.,  62,  8,  "Quotiescumque  autem  aqua  sola  in 
scripturis  Sanctis  nominatur,  baptisma  praedicatur." 
""De   Baptismo,  6. 
"•Gen.   1:2. 


r 


128  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Paintvig 

spiritual  healing,  according  to  the  rule  by  which  things  carnal 
are  always  antecedent  as  figurative  of  things  spiritual.  And 
thus,  when  the  grace  of  God  advanced  to  higher  degrees  among 
men,  an  accession  of  efficacy  was  granted  to  the  waters  and  to  the 
angel.  They  who  were  wont  to  remedy  bodily  defects  now  heal 
the  spirit;  they  who  used  to  work  temporal  salvation,  now  re- 
new eternal ;  they  who  did  set  free  but  once  in  the  year,  now 
save  peoples  in  a  body  daily,  death  being  done  away  through 
ablution  of  sins."^''^'^ 

The  archaeological  identification  of  the  scene  with  Baptism 
rests  upon  the  fact  that  in  the  first  two  paintings  the  theme  is 
treated  in  connection  with  other  symbols  of  Baptism,  and  on 
walls  where  the  eucharistic  sacrament  is  also  portrayed;  and  in 
the  other  three  cases  it  is  contiguous  to  themes  that  probably  sym- 
bolize Baptism. 

The  first  of  the  five,  consisting  only  of  the  man  and  his  bed 
without  the  figure  of  Christ,  is  in  the  Greek  Chapel  in  the  cata- 
comb of  Priscilla  (  allP  Fractio,  PI.  VI).  It  is  in  the  vault  of 
the  nave,  to  the  left  as  one  enters,  and  is  in  a  very  fragmentary 
condition,  almost  all  of  the  ceiling  in  the  nave  being  destroyed. 
It  is  in  the  other  end  of  the  chapel  from  the  painting  of  the  Frac- 
tio Panis,  in  a  compartment  separated  by  the  "triumphal  arch". 
However,  it  is  at  right  angles  to  a  painting  of  Moses  at  the  Rock, 
and  being  in  the  same  room  in  which  the  other  sacrament  is 
treated,  Wilpert  thinks  it  is  intended  to  symbolize  baptism,  on  the 
grounds  stated  by  Tertullian,  and  therefore  represents  the  in- 
cident narrated  in  St.  John's  Gospel.  He  is  so  certain  of  this  that 
he  declares  that  the  large  picture  in  the  center  of  the  vault  of  the 
nave,  now  destroyed,  about  which  are  the  themes  of  the  Paralytic, 
and  Moses  at  the  Rock,  as  well  as  the  Adoration  of  the  Magi  and 
an  ideal  head,must  have  been  a  more  or  less  realistic  painting  of  the 
Baptism.  "In  dem  Raume  mit  den  Nischen  figurirt  als  Haupt- 
bild  die  fractio  panis,  und  ihr  zur  Seite  stehen  alttestamentliche 
Vorbilder  sowie  die  Auferweckung  des  Lazarus  als  Hinweis  auf 
die  Wirkung  des  Genusses  der  Eucharistie.     Das   Schiff  muss 

"''  De  Baptismo,  5.  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  testimony  of  Tertullian 
to  the  activity  of  the  angel,  as  narrated  in  vs.  3  and  4,  though  the 
same  is  omitted  by  K  BC*D33,  157,  134,  etc.,  but  found  with  ACEFGH  etc. 


x; 


P-, 


Themes  Archaeologically  Johannine  129 

demnach  Bilder  enthalten,  die  sich  auf  die  Taufe  beziehen.  In 
der  That  sehen  wir  iiber  dem  Eingange  das  Qiiellwimder  und  nicht 
weit  davon  auf  der  Decke  den  geheilten  Gichtbriichigen,  welcher 
in  der  eben  erwahnten  "Sacramentskapelle"  unter  den  Taufsym- 
holen  sich  befindet.  Wo  Vorbilder  sind,  da  war  auch  die  Taufe 
sclbst  gemalt,  und  dafiir  eignet  sich  in  hohem  Grade  der  Raum  in 
der  Mitte  der  Decke.  Diese  Beweisfiihrung  erhalt  eine  grosse 
Stiitze  durch  die  Thatsache,  dass  in  dem  winzigen  Fragment, 
welches  von  dem  Stuck  des  Rundbildes  an  der  Decke  haftet, 
Wasser  gemah  ist.  Es  diirfte  also  wohl  ziemlich  sicher  sein,  dass 
das  grosse  Rundbild  in  der  Mitte  der  Decke  des  Schiffes  eine 
Darstcllung  der  Taufe,  und  zwar  eine  realistische  enthalten  hat. 
Ich  sage  realistische,  weil  auch  die  Eucharistie  in  ahnlicher  Weise 
gemalt  ist."^'^^ 

The  second  painting  is  in  the  Sacrament  Chapel  A3  in  the  cata- 
comb of  Callixtus,  and  dates  from  the  second  half  of  the  second 
century  (PI.  Illb,  Mai.,  PI.  27-2,,  cf.  De  Rossi:  R.  S.,  II,  PI.  16, 
Garrucci :  Storia,  II,  PI.  7-2).  The  healed  paralytic  with  his 
bed  is  directly  alongside  an  actual  painting  of  the  baptism,  be- 
yond which  is  depicted  a  fisherman  drawing  a  fish  from  the  very 
waters  of  baptism.  In  the  same  chapel  the  eucharistie  sacrament 
is  also  treated. 

The  third  painting  is  in  the  catacomb  of  Nunziatella  on  the 
Via  Ardealina,  and  dates  from  the  second  half  of  the  third  cen- 
tury (Mai.,  PI.  74-1).  The  paralytic,  with  his  bed,  is  painted  in 
an  attitude  of  haste.  "It  is  practically  certain  that  also  this  repre- 
sentation must  be  regarded  as  a  baptismal  symbol,  because  it  is 
found  directly  beside  the  miracle  of  Moses  at  the  Rock,  and  then 
in  the  first  space,  now  destroyed,  there  was  painted,  to  judge 
from  the  disposition  of  other  pictures,  either  the  bpatism,  or, 
what  is  by  no  means  unlikely,  Christ  who  performs  the  miracle 
(i.  e.,  on  the  paralytic),  so  that  the  scene  includes  the  symbol  of 
baptism. "^^^  The  eucharistie  Multiplication  symbol  is  also  painted 
in  this  crypt. 

The  fourth  painting  is  in  the  Coemeterium  Mains  on  the  Via 
Nomentana,  and  dates  from  the  first  half  of  the  fourth  century 

'"*  Fractio,  pp.  25,  26. 
"^  P inure,  p.  244. 


130  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

(Mai,  PI.  168,  cf.  Bosio :  R.  S.,  p.  445,  Perrett:  Catacomhes,  II, 
PI.  30,  Garrucci :  Storia,  II,  PI.  61 ) .  The  paralytic  is  nude,  as 
if  he  had  come  from  a  scene  of  baptism  (or  perhaps  to  symbolize 
his  restored  condition).  The  painting  follows  on  the  vault  the 
theme  of  Moses  striking  the  Rock. 

The  fifth  painting  is  in  the  catacomb  under  the  Vigna  Massimo, 
on  the  Via  Salaria  Nova,  and  dates  from  the  second  half  of  the 
fourth  century  (PI.  Vlllb,  Mai.,  PI.  212,  Garrucci:  Storia,  II, 
PI.  73-2).  The  identification  of  this  picture  with  the  Johannine 
miracle  is  illuminative.  It  may  appear  far-fetched  to  persons 
not  acquainted  with  the  peculiar  characteristics  of  Christian  Art 
of  the  fourth  century — the  logical  development  of  several  cen- 
turies of  symbolic  expression.  It  is  one  of  a  series  of  paintings 
(on  different  scale  of  sizes)  decorating  a  loculus  in  a  gallery. 
The  series,  arranged  in  two  rows  as  on  contemporary  sarcophagi, 
consists  of  the  themes  of  Moses  at  the  Rock,  the  Multiplication  of 
Loaves,  the  Adoration  of  the  Wise  Men,  Grants,  Noah,  the  Rais- 
ing of  Lazarus,  Daniel  between  the  Lions,  Tobias  with  his  Fish 
in  the  presence  of  Raphael,  the  Restored  Paralytic,  and  a  personi- 
fication of  the  river  Tigris.  In  the  lower  row,  in  the  right  hand 
corner,  is  a  reclining  personification,  according  to  classic  types, 
of  a  river  divinity.  Beside  the  river  god  is  Christ,  extending  His 
hand  towards  the  paralytic,  who  walks  away  bearing  his  bed  and 
leaning  on  his  rod.  The  river  god  is  identified  as  the  Tigris  be- 
cause of  the  group  next  to  the  paralytic,  which  consists  of  Tobias 
presenting  his  fish  to  the  angel  Raphael.  Tobias  caught  the  fish  in 
the  Tigris  river.  The  Babylonian  localization  of  the  river  divinity 
is  further  indicated  by  the  theme  next  beyond  Tobias,  a  colossal 
figure  of  Daniel  between  his  lions.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
paralytic  is  placed  between  the  river  god  and  Tobias  coming  with 
his  fish  from  the  bank  of  the  stream.  The  presence  of  water  as 
a  certain  feature  of  the  paralytic  miracle  is  thus  doubly  attested. 
It  is  remembered  that  in  the  account  in  St.  John's  Gospel  the 
paralytic  was  healed  beside  a  fountain  of  water,  the  pool  of 
Bethesda.  The  painting  is  therefore  to  be  regarded  as  a  symbolic 
treatment  of  the  Johannine  miracle,  rather  than  of  the  one  nar- 
rated in  the  Synoptics.     (The  fact  that  this  water  is  the  river 


Themes  ArchaeologicaUy  Johannine  131 

Tigris  does  not  interfere  in  the  least  with  the  symbolism  of  the 
paralytic.  The  Tigris  serves  admirably  to  symbolize  the  cleans- 
ing, baptismal  zvater  of  the  pool  of  Bethesda  in  the  Johannine 
miracle.) 

These  five  paintings,  then,  according  to  Wilpert,  symbolize 
baptism  and  depict  the  scene  in  St.  John's  Gocpel.  The  other 
fifteen,  in  his  opinion,  are  confined  to  the  incident  narrated  in  the 
Synoptics.  This  seems  to  be  indeed  an  arbitrary  division,  as 
several  considerations  will  show.  As  has  been  noted,  the  iden- 
tification of  the  five  paintings  with  the  Johannine  miracle  depends 
ultimately  upon  its  recognition  by  the  second  century  Church  as  a 
symbol  of  baptism,  or  at  least  upon  the  localization  of  the  scene 
by  the  presence  of  water.  The  archaeological  argument  has  con- 
sisted in  pointing  out  the  significant  relationship  by  proximity 
of  the  painting  to  other  themes  admittedly  symbolizing  baptism. 
On  the  whole,  the  evidence  may  be  regarded  as  sufficient.  That  i? 
to  say,  these  five  paintings  may  be  regarded  as  having  their  source 
in  St.  John's  Gospel,  and  primarily  symbolized  baptism,  the  sacra- 
ment illustrating  the  cleansing  of  the  soul  from  sin,  and  admission 
into  the  Kingdom  of  God.  (But  while  this  was  the  original  idea, 
there  is  no  reason  whatever  to  deny  to  them  symbolism  of  other 
evident  points  of  Christian  belief,  such  as  the  divine  power  of 
Christ  to  work  miracles  and  to  save.) 

Now  of  these  five  paintings  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  first 
two  belong  in  the  second  century,  the  first  being  in  the  Greek 
Chapel  in  Priscilla.  They  are,  at  the  same  time,  the  first  in  the 
entire  series  of  twenty  paintings  of  the  Paralytic,  and  introduce 
the  cycle.  The  remaining  three  are  scattered  through  the  third 
and  fourth  centuries,  intermingled  with  fifteen  of  the  Synoptic 
miracle,  by  Wilpert's  identification.  But  the  very  fact  of  this 
intermingling  argues  for  the  unity  of  the  theme.  If,  as  we  have 
shown,  the  origin  of  the  theme  is  Johannine,  it  is  only  reasonable 
to  suppose  that  the  entire  theme  is  Johannine.  Besides,  the  divi- 
sion of  the  theme  is  based  solely  upon  the  argument  from  silence. 
In  the  absence  of  anything  to  identify  the  fifteen  positively 
with  the  Johannine  miracle,  Wilpert  says  that  they  are  Synoptic. 
To  this  it  may  well  be  replied  that  there  is  no  element  in  the  fifteen 


132  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

that  identifies  them  positively  with  the  Synoptic  miracle,  and 
also  nothing  that  forbids  identification  with  the  Johannine,  so 
they  may  equally  well  be  Johannine  as  Synoptic.  Indeed,  in 
some  cases  there  is  special  reason  for  Johannine  identification,  for 
several  are  in  more  or  less  close  relation  to  themes  of  baptism, 
such  as  Moses  striking  the  Rock  and  Noah.^^" 

Perhaps  the  best  reason  for  regarding  the  theme  as  a  unity  is 
to  be  found  in  the  reaffirmation  of  the  statement  that  it,  best  of 
all,  symbolized  baptism  to  the  early  Christian,  in  the  fact  that 
cleansing  from  sin,  the  significance  of  baptism,  seems  to  be  in- 
cluded in  the  physical  restoration  of  the  paralytic.  This  is  evi- 
dent from  the  Johannine  account,  "Afterward  Jesus  findeth  him 
(the  restored  paralytic)  in  the  temple,  and  saith  unto  him:  sin 
no  more,  lest  a  worse  thing  befall  thee."^^^  The  same  idea,  in 
so  far  as  it  relates  to  Christ's  power  to  forgive  sins,  is  brought 
out  in  the  Synoptic  miracle,  in  which  Christ,  before  performing 
the  miracle  announced  to  the  paralytic  that  by  reason  of  his  faith 
his  sins  were  forgiven,  and  straightway  declared  His  power  to 
forgive  sins.  The  same  may  be  said,  of  course,  for  any  miracle 
that  Christ  performed.  As  He  made  the  bodies  of  men  whole,  so 
He  has  the  power  to  restore  their  souls,  relieving  from  the  rav- 
ages of  sin.  All  of  this  is  included  in  the  Johannine  miracle, 
with  the  addition  of  the  function  of  baptism  in  a  man's  regener- 
ation.^^^  It  seems  plausible  then  to  say  that  St.  John's  Gospel, 
which  includes  this  element,  is  the  source  for  the  theme,  which 

"*  Noah  is  listed  by  Wilpert  as  one  of  the  themes  "expressing  the 
invocation  of  divine  aid  for  the  soul  of  the  deceased."  Pitture,  chap.  18, 
sec.  98.  There  are  better  reasons  for  regarding  him,  among  other  things, 
as  a  symbol  of  baptism. 

^^^Jn.  5:14. 

"*  Cf .  on  this  subject  Wilpert:  Fractio,  p.  66.  "Der  Bericht  des  Evan- 
gelisten,  dass  'ein  Engel  des  Herrn  zur  bestimmten  Zeit  in  den  Teich 
hinabstieg',  um  dem  Wasser  die  Heilkraft  mitzutheilen,  sowie  die  Worte, 
welche  Jesus  an  den  geheilten  Gichtbriichigen  im  Tempel  richtete :  'Siehe, 
du  bist  gesund  geworden ;  siindige  nun  nicht  mehr',  legten  es  nahe,  diese 
wunderbare  Heilung  als  Sinnhild  der  Taiife,  in  welcher  etwas  Analoges, 
nur  ungleich  Hoheres  vor  sich  geht,  zu  wahlen :  bei  der  Anrufung  der 
Trinitat,  unter  welcher  das  Sacrament  gespendet  wird,  durchdringt  der 
Heilige  Geist  mit  seiner  Gnade  das  Taufwasser  und  verleiht  ihm  die 
Kraft,  den  Taufling  von  seiner  geistigen  Krankheit,  der  Siinde,  zu  heilen. 


Themes  ArchaeologicaUy  Johanninc  133 

naturally  was  unified  by  its  most  significant  symbolic  concept, 
there  being  nothing  in  the  paintings  themselves  to  deny  this  unity. 
(If  a  man  were  acquainted  only  with  the  Synoptics,  he  would 
derive  from  the  theme  merely  symbolism  of  Christ's  divine 
power,  without  the  method  of  baptism.  Wherefore  it  would  be 
absurd  to  deny  other  symbolism  to  the  theme.  Johannine  source 
and  predominant  influence  are  what  is  emphasized.) 

2.  The  Lamb  of  God.^*^ 

There  is  a  painting,  dating  from  the  first  half  of  the  second 
century,  that  has  become  the  subject  of  a  fierce  dispute  in  recent 
years.  It  is  in  the  catacomb  of  Praetextatus,  in  the  celebrated 
"Passion"  or  Johannine  Crypt,  and  was  discovered  in  1850.  It  is 
in  a  badly  damaged  condition,  and  portions  of  the  stucco  on 
which  it  was  executed  have  since  fallen  down.  Wilpert,  before 
making  his  photograph,  skillfully  restored  to  their  proper  places 
on  the  wall  fragments  of  the  painting  which  he  found  in  the 
ruins  of  the  crypt,  and  his  plate  in  color  (Mai.  No.  18)  is  a  faith- 
ful reproduction  of  what  remains  of  the  fresco.  The  illustra- 
tion here  given  (PI.  I  la)  is  a  photograph  from  a  copy  made 
shortly  after  its  discovery,  existing  now  in  the  Christian  Museum 
of  the  Lateran,  and  is  therefore  important  because  made  when 
the  painting  was  in  better  condition.  However,  a  compar- 
ison with  Wilpert's  plate  will  reveal  inaccuracies  on  the  part  of 
the  copyist.  Furthermore,  it  is  not  in  color,  and  the  reader  is 
advised  to  examine  Wilpert's  publication  for  purposes  of  exact 
study,  as  is  desirable  for  all  paintings  discussed  in  this  book. 

The  discoverer,  P.  Marchi,  interpreted  the  fresco  as  a  treat- 
ment of  the  "Coronation  of  Thorns",  a  theme  selected  from 
Christ's  passion.  Garrucci  denied  this  identification,  and  said 
that  he  believed  it  represented  the  baptism  of  Christ.  De  Rossi, 
never  having  studied  the  original,  accepted  the  opinion  of  Marchi, 
and  Wilpert  in  his  Pitture  accepts  and  defends  this  identification, 
and  named  the  crypt  in  which  the  painting  is  found  the  "Passion- 
Crypt".^^*  The  weight  of  his  authority  caused  general  accept- 
ance of  the  coronation  theory  until  recently,  when  Marucchi  an- 

^'  i/2lIPraet.  PI.  Ila,  Mai.,  PI.  18. 
'**  Pitture,  p.  2o8ff . 


134  ^t-  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

nounced  that  the  painting  does  not  depict  the  mockery  of  the 
Saviour  by  the  crowning  with  thorns  by  the  Roman  soldiers,  nor 
does  it  represent  the  baptism  of  Christ  by  John  in  the  river 
Jordan,  but  that  the  best  explanation  is  that  it  represents  the 
scene  narrated  exclusively  in  St.  John's  Gospel  in  which  John  the 
Baptist  pointed  out  Jesus  to  those  who  were  with  him  with  the 
exclamation,  "Behold  the  Lamb  of  God,  that  taketh  away  the  sin 
of  the  world!" 

The  identification  as  the  "Coronation  of  Thorns"  has  rested 
on  certain  elements  in  the  picture.  The  figure  in  the  center  is 
evidently  Christ.  He  wears  a  long  pallium.  To  His  right  stand 
two  men  affirmed  to  be  soldiers  because  each  wears  a  high-girded 
tunic  and  chlamys.  Each  holds  a  rod  or  branch,  of  which  the  one 
retains  some  of  its  leaves.  On  the  head  of  Christ  are  leaves  or 
foliage  of  some  kind,  and  Wilpert  asserts  that  it  is  the  crown  of 
thorns  and  that  the  former  soldier  is  striking  Christ  on  the  head 
with  his  rod,  according  to  the  Gospel  narrative. ^^°  On  the  other 
side  in  the  picture  is  a  tree  with  a  dove  perched  on  a  branch  ex- 
tended towards  Christ.  The  Gospels  unite  in  saying  that  a  fur- 
ther feature  of  the  mockery  consisted  in  adorning  Christ  with  a 
purple  robe,  a  purple  chlamys  as  St.  Matthew  calls  it.  No  such 
garment  is  found  in  the  painting,  but  strange  to  say  a  scarlet 
chlamys  of  brilliance  is  found  on  the  figure  of  Christ  in  the  pic- 
ture immediately  contiguous,  that  of  Christ  and  the  Samaritan 
woman  at  Jacob's  well.  This  has  been  discussed  above  (pp.  iiof.), 
where  it  was  explained  that  Wilpert  thinks  that  the  artist  painted 
the  coronation  picture  first,  forgetting  the  scarlet  robe,  then  he 
discovered  the  omission,  and  decided  to  rectify  his  mistake  by 
supplying  it  to  the  form  of  Christ  in  the  picture  on  which  he  was 
then  engaged,  that  of  the  Samaritan  Woman. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  enumerate  all  of  the  arguments  that  Ma- 
rucchi  advances  against  Wilpert's  interpretation  and  in  favor  of 
his  own,  or  to  follow  the  controversy.  It  is  sufficient  to  mention 
some  of  the  leading  ones.^^*^  He  denies  the  identification  of  the 
soldiers,  and  says  that  the  interpretation  of  their  garments  is 
uncertain,  that  they  do  not  wear  the  chlamys,  their  chief  reason 

"'Mt.  27:30,  Mk.  15:  19,  cf.  also  Jn.  19:3. 

^^'As  summarized,  for  example,  in  Nnovo.  Bull..  190S,  pp.  131-142. 


Themes  Archaeologically  Johannine  135 

for  being  regarded  as  soldiers.  He  points  out  that  their  dress 
is  not  very  different  from  that  of  Christ  Himself.  Further,  the 
"thorns"  on  Christ's  head  are  very  similar  to  the  leaves  remain- 
ing on  the  branch  in  the  hand  of  the  man  nearer  Christ  whom  he 
identifies  as  John  the  Baptist,  the  other  man  being  one  of  his 
disciples,  or  an  individual  intended  to  symbolize  the  multitude. 
The  leaves  on  Christ's  head,  then,  may  have  fallen  from  the 
branch  with  which  John  acclaims  Christ,  or  may  be  put  there  at 
the  caprice  of  the  artist,  perchance  a  mark  of  distinction.  But 
Marucchi's  chief  objection,  and  one  that  bears  great  weight,  is 
the  fact  that  during  the  period  before  the  peace  of  the  Church 
there  is  no  painting  that  in  any  way  depicts  the  humiliation  and 
passion  of  Christ.  (The  same  is  true  of  scenes  of  martyrdom.) 
Christ's  sacrifice  for  sin  is  treated  symbolically,  but  never  with  the 
least  attempt  at  realism.  This  picture  would  be  the  only  excep- 
tion, and  for  this  reason  alone  such  an  identification  must  be  re- 
garded with  suspicion. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  painting  agrees  fairly  well  with  the  scene 
by  Jordan  (though  not  necessarily  on  the  river  bank),  when  John 
"seeth  Jesus  coming  unto  him,  and  saith,  Behold  the  Lamb  of 
God,  that  taketh  away  the  sin  of  the  world !  .  .  .  And  John  bare 
witness  saying,  I  have  beheld  the  Spirit  descending  as  a  dove  out 
of  heaven ;  and  it  abode  upon  him,  and  I  knew  him  not :  but  he 
that  sent  me  to  baptize  in  water,  he  saith  unto  me.  Upon  whomso- 
ever thou  shalt  see  the  spirit  descending,  and  abiding  upon  him,  the 
same  is  he  that  baptizeth  in  the  Holy  Spirit.  And  I  have  seen,  and 
have  borne  witness  that  this  is  the  Son  of  God."^^^  John,  with  one 
of  his  followers,  symbolical  of  the  multitude  standing  near,  walks 
in  the  open  country  as  symbolized  by  the  tree,  and  acclaims 
Christ  with  his  stem  of  marsh  reed,  and  his  acclamation  is  certi- 
fied to  by  the  dove  out  of  heaven,  indicating  the  presence  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  Wilpert,  in  his  identification,  was  troubled  by  the 
tree  and  the  dove,  and  explained  them  as  a  touch  of  the  artist,  or 
as  indicating  that  the  praetorium  was  an  open  air  court. 

Marucchi  gives  stronger  reasons  for  his  identification  than  Wil- 
pert, and  this  may  be  strengthened  by  remarking  that  St.  John's 

"'  Jn.  1 :  29-34,  also  35ff. 


136  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Gospel,  from  which  the  scene  is  taken,  does  not  describe  the  bap- 
tism of  Christ  (though  the  fact  may  be  inferred),  and  that  the 
artist  in  desiring  to  treat  of  the  testimony  of  John  followed  the 
Johannine  source  literally  when  he  depicted  the  dove,  represented 
John  with  girded  tunic,  and,  omitting  representation  of  water  of 
which  there  is  no  mention  in  the  narrative,  yet  indicated  a  scene 
of  the  countryside.  While  omitting  the  account  of  the  baptism 
of  Jesus,  the  Apostle  John  records  the  approbation  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  in  the  form  of  a  dove,  the  striking  feature  of  the  baptismal 
scene  in  the  Synoptics.  Wherefore  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
the  artist  followed  the  Johannine  Gospel  exclusively.  Perhaps 
he  did  not  possess  the  others.  To  the  above  it  need  only  be  re- 
marked that  the  dove  in  early  Christian  Art  is  always  significant, 
except  in  paintings  manifestly  decorative,  as  in  a  floral  theme. 

However  this  picture  may  be  regarded,  it  certainly  is  unique  in 
the  entire  field  of  Christian  Art.^^^  Its  location  is  also  a  matter 
of  importance.  It  is  one  of  four  paintings  arranged  in  cross  for- 
mation on  a  side  wall  of  the  crypt.  Two  of  these  have  been  dis- 
cussed above,  the  Raising  of  Lazarus,  of  which  only  the  lower  part 
remains  affording  barely  enough  for  identification,  and  the 
Woman  of  Samaria  at  Jacob's  Well.^^^  The  fourth  is  completely 
destroyed.  Directly  opposite,  on  the  other  side  wall,  there  was  a 
similar  group  of  paintings,  of  which  only  one  exists,  the  miracle 
of  the  healing  of  the  Woman  with  an  Issue  of  Blood. 

Wilpert,  on  the  supposition  that  his  identification  of  the  Coro- 
nation of  Thorns  is  correct,  gives  a  clever  guess  at  the  restora- 
tion of  the  destroyed  frescoes  :^^°  Inasmuch  as  he  finds  a  scene 
from  Christ's  passion,  he  believes  that  he  is  justified  in  supposing 
that  the  fourth  picture  of  the  first  wall  was  another  scene  from 
the  same.  Excluding  the  crucifixion  as  contrary  to  the  spirit  of 
the  art  of  the  catacombs,  he  selects  the  theme  of  Christ  before 

^*  It  might  be  conjectured  that  the  picture  represents  the  Transfigura- 
tion, in  which  Moses  and  Elias  converse  with  Christ.  Aside  from  the 
fact  that  three  persons  are  depicted,  of  whom  two  acclaim  Christ,  and 
that  the  divine  sanction  is  represented  by  the  dove,  there  is  nothing  to 
support  this  guess. 

"'Pp.  107,  iiof.,  PI.  Ilia,  MaL,  PI.  19. 

^^Pitture,  p.  211    (with  plot). 


Themes  Archaeologically  Johannine  137 

Pilate.  Aside  from  his  conjecture  he  finds  support  for  this  restor- 
ation in  sarcophagi,  the  eadiest  of  which  dates  from  the  fourth 
century.  His  restoration  of  the  three  missing  pictures  of  the 
opposite  wall  is  exceedingly  clever.  Believing  that  scenes  of 
glorification  should  oppose  those  of  the  passion,  he  suggests  two 
pictures  of  the  Incarnation  cycle,  such  as  the  Prophecy  of 
Isaiah  (cf.  the  contemporary  painting  in  the  catacomb  of  Pris- 
cilla)  or  the  Magi  following  the  Star,  and  the  Adoration  of  the 
Wise  Men.  Directly  above  the  existing  picture  of  the  Healing 
of  the  Woman  with  an  Issue  of  Blood  he  believes  another  mira- 
cle painting  should  be  placed,  preferably  the  Healing  of  the  Blind 
Man,  since  this  theme  would  afiford  symmetry  with  the  one  be- 
low in  that  both  the  woman  and  the  blind  man  are  always  de- 
picted kneeling.^^^ 

Whatever  we  may  think  of  this  proposed  restoration,  it  seems 
evident  from  the  four  existing  pictures  that  the  artist  here  de- 
picted a  christological  cycle.  It  is  a  plausible  guess,  therefore, 
that  there  was  at  least  one  from  the  Incarnation  cycle,  such  as 
Isaiah's  Prophecy  or  the  Adoration  of  the  Wise  Men.  The 
restoration  of  Christ  before  Pilate  depends,  of  course,  on  the  sup- 
position that  the  title  "Passion-Crypt"  is  justified.  Since  the 
Agnus  Dei  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  Coronation  of  Thorns,  this 
restoration  fails,  and  the  fourth  space  on  that  wall  remains  open 
to  suggestion.  (Wilpert's  use  of  fourth  century  sarcophagi  in 
arguing  concerning  second  century  frescoes  justly  renders  him 
liable  to  criticism.  This  Von  Sybel  proceeds  to  point  out.  Op.  cit., 
P-  293.) 

It  remains  to  call  attention  to  one  important  fact  regarding  this 
crypt :  It  will  be  recognized  that  the  two  absolutely  identified 
paintings  on  the  wall  of  the  crypt,  and  the  third  one,  if  its  identi- 
fication of  the  "Lamb  of  God"  be  correct,  are  themes  the  sources 
of  which  are  found  exclusively  in  St.  John's  Gospel.  This  allows 
the  supposition  that  the  artist  was  using  themes  from  the  Johan- 
nine Gospel  for  the  one  wall  of  the  crypt  at  least,  and  that  the 
fourth  picture  on  the  wall  was  from  the  same  source.  From  the 
one  remaining  picture  on  the  other  wall  not  much  may  be  deduced. 

'"Mai.,  PI.  20. 


138         St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Its  written  source  is  not  Johannine,  but  the  paintings  around  it 
may  have  been  (such  as  the  blind  man  if  he  were  placed  above 
it).^^'  At  any  rate  the  crypt  is  unique  in  the  catacombs  in  pos- 
sessing two  or  three  paintings  from  the  Johannine  Gospel  abso- 
lutely, and  since  the  evidence  for  calling  it  the  Passion  Crypt  is  not 
sufficient,  it  may  rather  be  named  the  Johannine-Crypt. 

3.  The  "Breakfast"  by  the  Sea  of  Galilee. ^''^ 

This  peculiar  fresco  has  already  been  described  and  discussed 
(pp.  83,  88).  The  identification  of  the  scene  of  feasting 
at  which  seven  men  at  a  sigma  table  are  partaking  of 
fish  served  on  two  platters,  as  the  incident  described  in  the  last 
chapter  of  St.  John's  Gospel,  depends  on  the  facts,  (i)  that  the 
men  are  depicted  naked  as  fishermen,  and  (2)  that  the  baskets 
of  loaves  common  in  the  multiplication  miracles  are  lacking. 
Proximity  to  the  sea  is  apparently  indicated  by  the  adjoining  sec- 
tion of  the  fresco  which  represents  a  fisherman  in  the  act  of  draw- 
ing in  his  line.  The  third  section,  beyond  the  fisherman,  por- 
trays the  well  known  Moses-miracle,  in  which  Moses  strikes  the 
rock  in  the  wilderness,  causing  water  to  pour  forth.  This  is  the 
water  from  which  the  fisherman  draws  his  fish,  and  which  serves 
also  to  indicate  the  water  of  the  Galilean  lake.  In  this  series  it  is 
observed  how  baptism  and  the  Eucharist  are  treated  side  by  side. 

The  fact  that  the  seven  men  at  the  table  are  naked  is  denied 
by  some,  as  previously  remarked.  This  is  a  matter  depending 
solely  upon  accurate  observation,  and,  other  things  being  equal, 
the  statement  of  Wilpert  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  denial  of  Von 
Sybel.  That  is  to  say,  Wilpert  has  had  every  opportunity  to 
study  the  fresco,  to  cleanse  the  stucco  and  to  examine  the  colors 
in  their  revived  freshness.  He  is  responsible  for  photographing 
and  reproducing  the  painting,  and  naturally  would  observe  it 
carefully.  On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  said  that  Von  Sybel, 
coming  after  and  searching  for  mistakes  by  Wilpert,  may  happen  to 
have  found  one.  It  is  important  in  this  instance,  for  the  fact  that 
seven  men  are  nude,  being  fishermen,  is  the  archaeological  link 
that  connects  the  painting  with  the  Johannine  cycle. 

"^Mt.  9:20-22,  Mk.  5:25-34,  Lk.  8:43-48,  Jn.  9:  1-41. 
"'2/2IIC  PI.   lie,   Mai.,   PI.  27-2. 


III.    THEMES  CHARACTERISTICALLY  JOHANNINE. 

The  characteristic  of  St.  John's  Gospel  has  been  discussed, 
also  its  strong  influence  in  molding  not  only  eucharistic  symbolism, 
but  even  the  entire  field  of  Early  Christian  Art.  It  was  observed 
that  it  is  probable  that  many  themes  whose  literary  source  is  to  be 
found  in  other  parts  of  Scripture,  as  well  as  in  St.  John's  Gospel, 
are  to  be  regarded  as  Johannine  in  origin  and  spirit.  That  is  to 
say,  the  significance  of  their  symbolic  presentation  is  best  con- 
veyed by  the  description  of  an  event  as  given  by  the  Fourth  Evan- 
gelist, or  by  the  few  epigrammatic  and  sometimes  mystic  words 
with  which  it  is  characterized  in  his  Gospel. 

The  list  of  such  themes  is  naturally  flexible.  A  considerable 
degree  of  latitude  must  be  allowed  in  a  scale  which  extends  from 
the  eucharistic  cycle,  which  presents  good  reasons  for  belonging 
in  the  class  of  archaeologically  or  even  absolutely  Johannine 
themes,  to  the  Incarnation  cycle,  the  details  of  which  are  found 
only  in  the  Synoptics,  but  whose  reason  or  explanation  is  best  ex- 
hibited in  St.  John's  Gospel,  for  the  age  in  which  the  themes  were 
originated. 

I.  The  Eucharist. 

This  theme  was  analyzed  at  length  above,  and  its  Johannine 
origin  established.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  intimate  con- 
nection of  the  eucharistic  discourse  of  Jesus,  the  "hard  saying", 
with  the  multiplication  miracle  which  preceded  it,  is  the  founda- 
tion for  this  belief  in  the  Johannine  source  for  the  theme  as 
treated  in  Catacomb  Painting.  This  is  a  good  illustration  of  the 
characteristic  of  the  Gospel.  The  concrete  event,  the  subject  of 
the  painting,  is  accompanied  in  the  Gospel  by  the  few  significant, 
concrete  words  that  both  express  a  deep  truth  of  Christian  be- 
lief, and  at  the  same  time  characterise  the  incident.  They  form 
what  in  the  art  of  the  fourth  century  and  later  was  called  a 
tituliis?^*    The  titulns  was  a  brief  summary  of  the  essential  point 

^'^Cf.  Lowrie:  Monuments  of  the  Early  Church  {Christian  Art  and 
Archaeology),  p.  15,  for  the  clear  distinction  of  the  titulus  from  the 
epigram. 


140  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

of  the  theme  it  accompanied  in  the  decoration  of  mosaics  or  fres- 
coes on  the  apse  and  nave  walls  of  basilicas,  and  the  painting, 
being  symbolical  in  nature,  could  not  be  comprehended  with- 
out it/^"  In  like  manner,  the  brief,  pointed  sentences  whether 
of  Jesus  or  of  St.  John  in  the  Fourth  Gospel  are  the  tituH 
that  characterize  the  incident  with  which  they  are  connected. 
It  is  because  we  find  the  most  significant  tituli  in  the  Johannine 
Gospel  that  we  regard  it  as  the  source,  or  the  inspiration  for  so 
many  catacomb  themes.  Witness  the  eucharistic  titulus,  "Ex- 
cept ye  eat  the  flesh  of  the  Son  of  Man  and  drink  His  blood,  ye 
have  not  life  in  yourselves." 

As  previously  pointed  out,  the  Wine  miracle,  of  eucharistic  im- 
port, is  an  absolutely  Johannine  theme. ^^^ 

2.  Baptism. 

The  frequent  and  noteworthy  portrayal  of  eucharistic  and  bap- 
tismal themes  on  the  same  wall,  or  in  striking  relationship  in  the 
same  chapel,  speaks  for  a  unity  of  source  as  regards  symbolism. 
It  is  easy  to  find  a  thoroughly  significant  titulus  of  baptism  in 
St.  John's  Gospel.  Jesus  said  to  Nicodemus,  "Verily,  verily,  I 
say  unto  thee.  Except  one  be  born  of  water  and  the  Spirit,  he  can- 
not enter  into  the  kingdom  of  God."  (Jn.  3  15. )  It  is,  of  course, 
impossible  to  claim  the  baptism  cycle  as  Johannine  in  respect  to 
form,  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  investigation  of  the 
method  of  baptism  is  altogether  foreign  to  the  matter  in  hand. 
But  it  is  not  too  far-fetched  to  regard  the  cycle  as  Johannine  in 
respect  to  characteristic. 

3.  The  Vine. 

It  is  generally  believed  that  the  few  grape  vine  motifs  in  cata- 
comb frescoes  are  purely  and  solely  decorative  in  nature  and  de- 

'"^  We  may  well  wish  that  the  tittili  of  the  nave  mosaics  of  S.  Maria 
Maggiore  were  still  in  existence.  At  intervals  they  form  a  fruitful 
source  for  controversy. 

"'  In  this  connection  is  to  be  noted  a  single  picture  of  the  Rain  of 
Manna,  2/2lVCyr,  cry  of  Consecrated  Virgin,  Mai.,  PI.  242-2.  This  may 
be  regarded  as  Johannine  from  Jn.  6:  31  ff.,  but  the  connection  is  doubtfuL 


Themes  CharacteristicaUy  Johannine  141 

sign.  Their  use  is  held  to  be  the  same  as  in  contemporary  pagan 
mural  decoration.  This  is  very  true,  yet  there  can  be  no  reason 
why  the  Christian,  familiar  with  St.  John's  Gospel,  may  not  have 
recalled,  when  looking  at  the  frescoes,  the  words  of  Jesus,  "I  am 
the  vine,  ye  are  the  branches,  etc."  (Jn.  15  :5ff.).  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed  that  the  vine  motif  was  selected  because  it  was  suggested 
by  this  Johannine  titulus.  This  would  be  impossible  in  the  Flavian 
hypogeum  in  the  catacomb  of  Domitilla,  which  may  have  been 
decorated  before  the  Gospel  was  written,  or  circulated  in  Rome, 
at  least.  Certainly  in  that  primitive  hypogeum  the  vine  was  merely 
one  of  several  decorative  themes,  selected  from  the  very  best 
styles  in  the  Pagan  Art  of  the  day.  But  it  is  insisted  that  if  a  man 
of  the  second  century  or  later  regarded  this  theme  as  a  symbolical 
representation  of  the  thought  conveyed  in  the  Johannine  titulus, 
the  vine  design  has  a  right  to  be  numbered  in  the  Johannine  cycle. 

4.  The  Good  Shepherd. ^'''^ 

Wilpert  has  divided  the  general  representation  of  the  Good 
Shepherd  into  two  distinct  themes,  (i)  the  Good  Shepherd 
from  Matthew-Luke, ^^^  and  (2)  the  Pasturing  Shepherd  from 
Jn.  10:1-18,  Psalm  23,  etc.^^^  Certainly  there  are  two  distinct 
types  of  pictures  in  the  catacombs,  the  earlier  or  "Good  Shepherd" 
type  expressing  the  point  of  St.  Luke's  narrative,  i.  e.,  the  shep- 
herd carries  a  sheep  on  his  shoulders,  the  latter,  or  "Pasturing 
Shepherd"  type  being  much  more  general,  and  capable  of  including 
the  other.  In  the  former  type  two  sheep,  sometimes  four,  are 
grouped  symmetrically  on  either  side  of  the  shepherd.  This  ad- 
junctive feature  of  the  flock  is  not  mentioned  by  SS.  Luke  or 
Matthew,  unless  we  infer  it  by  the  return  of  the  lost  sheep  to  the 
fold  of  the  ninety  and  nine  that  went  not  astray.  Instead  of  telling 
this  part  of  the  story,  they  both  emphasize  the  rejoicing  of  the 
shepherd,  and  St.  Luke  adds  that  the  shepherd's  neighbors  are  also 
called  upon  to  rejoice. 

"'E.  g.,  2/2IIC  PI.  Va.  Mai,  PI.  38;  aHIPraet.  PI.  IXa,  Mai.,  PI.  51-1; 
2/2IIIC  PI.  IXb,  Mai.,  PI.  Si-2. 

"*Mt.  18:10-14,  Lk.  15:1-7-     Cf.  I  Peter  2:25. 

^  Jn.  10 :  1-18,  Ps.  23  :  1-4.  Cf.  also  Ps.  79 :  13,  74 :  r,  80 :  i,  95  :  7,  100 :  3, 
77:20,  78:52,  Is.  40:11,  63:11,  Ezekiel  34:1-31,  Jer.  23:1-4,  etc. 


142  St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

The  latter  or  Pasturing  Shepherd  type  represents  the  shepherd 
with  his  flock  out  in  the  field  (in  this  respect  being  similar  to  the 
other  type),  and  varies  in  detail. 

The  very  first  one  in  the  latter  series,  in  the  vault  of  a  cubiculum 
in  the  catacomb  of  Praetextatus,  represents  the  shepherd  in  the 
customary  garb  (a  youth  in  exoniis,  leggings,  and  with  his  bag  and 
staff),  in  the  midst  of  a  landscape  with  trees  in  the  background,  in 
whose  branches  birds  are  seen  (  a  III  PI.  IXa,  Mai.,  PI.  51-1).  To 
his  right  are  seven  sheep,  all  grouped  together,  and  looking  up  at 
him  attentively,  while  he  stretches  out  his  arm  over  them  as  if  in  a 
gesture  of  protection.  To  his  left,  completing  the  symmetry  of  the 
group,  are  two  animals,  much  larger  in  size,  which  Wilpert  identi- 
fies as  an  ass  and  a  pig.  The  shepherd's  staff,  which  he  holds  in 
his  left  hand,  is  extended  in  their  direction.  This  picture  clearly 
represents  the  office  of  the  shepherd  in  protecting  his  flock  against 
their  enemies.  The  other  paintings  are  entirely  peaceful  in 
nature.  The  shepherd  is  seen  with  varying  numbers  of  sheep, 
simply  pasturing  them,  attending  to  all  their  wants,  and  gener- 
ally caring  for  them.  He  is  the  real  Good  Shepherd,  and  is  so 
called  by  St.  John  (10:11,  14).  This  type  of  the  Pasturing 
Shepherd  is  found  first  in  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  and 
is  quite  popular  in  the  fourth.  But  it  is  not  nearly  so  common  as 
the  other  type  which  is  found  in  three  paintings  of  the  first  cen- 
tury, as  well  as  one  other  in  which  a  cupid  acts  as  shepherd, 
thirteen  times  in  the  second  century,  twenty-four  times  in  the 
third,  and  eighty-eight  times  in  all. 

The  division  proposed  by  Wilpert  is  very  clever,  but  is  too  me- 
chanical. The  form  of  the  shepherd  with  the  sheep  on  his  should- 
ers, holding  strictly  to  literary  source,  mav  indeed  be  derived 
only  from  St.  Luke,  but  if  one  considers  aho  the  spirit  of  the 
composition  it  belongs  as  well  to  the  twentr-third  Psalm,  and 
also  to  the  words  of  the  Saviour  in  St.  John's  Gospel.  It  was  not 
necessary  to  seek  for  a  literary  source  in  order  to  obtain  detail  to 
supply  such  a  theme.  A  journey  through  the  campagna  or  into  the 
mountains  beyond  would  furnish  the  artist  th-  most  realistic 
type  he  could  desire,  and  especially  if  he  were  a  Greek  it  would 
be   very  easy   for  him  to   sketch   the  beautiful   realism   of  the 


Themes  Characteristically  Johannine  143 

Psalms  of  David  in  terms  of  pastoral  scenes  from  his  own  native 
mountains.  Most  assuredly  it  is  not  necessary  to  search  for  the 
origin  of  the  type  in  the  Hermes  Criophoros,  as  several  have 
attempted  to  do.-°° 

Instead  of  the  formal  division  of  Wilpert  is  seems  more  reas- 
onable to  take  the  whole  of  the  representations  of  both  types 
together  as  the  single  theme  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  not  denying 
its  origin  in  the  various  Old  Testament  imageries,  as  well  as  in 
the  Matthew  and  Luke  parables,  but  affirming  that  its  true  ex- 
pression is  in  the  Johannine  titulus,  "I  am  the  good  shepherd". 
This  titulus  best  expresses  the  christological  significance  of  the 
theme,  and  as  that  was  the  essence  of  its  symbolism  for  the  early 
Christian,  the  point  must  be  admitted  as  bearing  particular  weight. 
The  symbolism  is  essentially  this :  The  Good  Shepherd  pastures 
and  protects  his  flock,  brings  back  the  wandering  one,  and  final- 
ly conducts  it  and  the  entire  flock  into  the  everlasting  fold,  where 
the  pastures  are  ever  green  and  where  the  pleasant  waters  flow. 
Christ  is  the  Shepherd  that  does  this,  and  rightly  calls  Himself 
the  door,  as  in  St.  John's  account.-"^  Hence  we  may  well  object 
to  Wilpert's  division  of  the  theme  into  the  "Pasturing  Shepherd" 
as  a  christological  symbol,  and  the  "Good  Shepherd"  as  a  sym- 
bol of  the  "deceased  in  eternal  felicity".  It  is  indeed  all  christo- 
logical, for  Christ  is  the  Shepherd  who  pastures,  defends,  in- 
structs, searches  for  the  lost  and  bears  the  weak,  and  brings  into 
the  eternal  fold  by  laying  down  his  life  in  their  behalf. 

Perhaps  the  symbolism  of  the  Good  Shepherd  found  its  chief 
significance  for  the  early  Church  in  the  peculiar  beauty  of  the 
Johannine  report  of  Our  Lord's  words,  "I  am  the  good  shep- 
herd ;  and  I  know  my  own,  and  mine  own  know  me,  even  as  the 
Father  knoweth  me,  and  I  know  the  Father;  and  I  lay  dozvn  my 

^  Cf.  Frazer :  Pausanias,  V,  p.  90.  Regarding  the  alleged  similarity 
between  the  Good  Shepherd  and  the  Hermes  Criophoros  it  is  sufficient 
to  point  out  that  similarity  does  not  constitute  identity.  A  great  deal  of 
superfluous  criticism  has  resulted  from  a  disregard  of  this  fact.  The 
pastoral  theme  of  the  shepherd  with  his  sheep  would  appeal  to  artists 
of  a  certain  kind,  i.  e.,  those  who  wished  to  treat  of  nature  and  idyllic 
beauty — none  too  many  in  Greek  and  Roman  times.  Its  appeal  to  the 
Christian  artist  is  evident. 

="Jn.  10:7,  9. 


144  Sf-  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

life  for  the  sheep."  Then  if  we  may  not  claim  for  the  Fourth 
Gospel  the  origin  of  the  type,  we  may  at  least  say  that  when  the 
Gospel  was  read  in  Rome  it  was  enthusiastically  applied  to  the 
enrichment  of  the  symbolic  significance  of  the  theme. 

5.  The  Living  Water. 

"If  any  man  thirst,  let  him  come  unto  me  and  drink",  said 
Jesus  (Jn.  7:^7).  The  same  christological  truth  is  fully  set 
forth  also  in  the  discourse  with  the  Woman  of  Samaria,  "But 
whosoever  drinketh  of  the  water  that  I  shall  give  him  shall  never 
thirst;  but  the  water  that  I  shall  give  him  shall  become  in  him  a 
well  of  water  springing  up  into  eternal  life"  (Jn.  4:14).  The 
same  symbolic  conception  attached  itself  to  the  water  converted 
into  wine  at  Cana  in  Galilee,  which  as  an  eucharistic  element  gave 
to  the  believer  participation  in  the  sacrifice  of  Christ,  confirm- 
ing his  salvation.  This  is  true  also  of  the  vases  from  which 
doves,  emblematic  of  the  human  soul,  drank.  In  addition  to  these 
we  have  the  entire  cycle  of  Moses  striking  the  Rock,  from  which 
the  life-giving  water  gushed  forth.  In  the  later  pictures  of  this 
theme,  as  well  as  on  the  sarcophagi,  one  or  more  Jews  in  distinc- 
tive garb  satisfy  their  thirst  under  the  splashing  stream  in  atti- 
tudes of  extreme  eagerness. ^°^ 

There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  the  origin  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury painting  of  the  deer  at  the  spring  is  to  be  found  in  the  forty- 
second  Psalm,  "As  the  hart  panteth  after  the  water  brooks, 
etc."-°^  However  we  have  a  right  to  number  it  as  a  Johannine 
theme  because  of  its  obvious  christological  import.  Christ  is  the 
fountain  to  which  the  panting  Christian  comes,  and  the  invita- 
tion tituhis  is  in  St.  John's  Gospel.  To  all  of  this  is  to  be  added 
the  entire  cycle  of  the  Good  Shepherd.  The  Good  Shepherd  led 
His  flock  by  the  still  waters,  as  well  as  in  the  green  pastures. 
This  connection  is  illustrated  by  a  peculiar  treatment  of  the  theme 
in  the  crypt  delle  pecorelle  in  the  catacomb  of  Callixtus,  which  is 
sadly  defaced,  to  be  sure,  by  a  loculus  cut  directly  across  it.^°*    It 

="=■  E.  g.,  2/2IVC  Mai.,  PI.  237-2. 
"'  1/2IVM&M  Mai.,  PI.  150-3. 
'^2/2lVC  Mai.,  PI.  236. 


u. 


y. 


^ 


Themes  CliaractcristicaUy  Johanninc  145 

is  in  the  lunette  of  an  arcosolium,  and  represents  the  Good  Shep- 
herd, with  a  sheep  on  His  shoulders,  in  the  midst  of  His  flock. 
The  flock  roam  in  a  pasture  enclosed  with  trees  in  the  background. 
On  either  side  cascades  of  water  fall  down,  and  at  either  stream 
a  man  bends  forward  drinking  from  it  as  it  falls.  It  seems  as  if 
the  artist  feared  that  the  symbolism  of  the  water  would  not  be 
sufficiently  emphatic  if  he  represented  sheep  only  as  drinking,  so 
two  of  the  flock  are  removed  from  the  sheep  symbolism  and  are 
depicted  realistically  as  thirsty  men.  Their  attitude  is  exactly  that 
of  the  Jews  in  the  scene  of  Moses  Striking  Water  from  the  Rock. 

6.  Orpheus.-"^ 

There  is  fairly  good  reason  for  claiming  this  pagan  theme, 
treated  five  times  in  the  catacomb  paintings  as  Johannine.  It 
clearly  symbolizes  the  wonderful  influence  of  the  Logos,  the 
Word  of  God,  upon  the  hearts  of  the  most  brutish  of  men.  This 
is  indicated  in  a  statement  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea.^'"'  "Never  man 
so  spake",  declared  the  officers  sent  to  arrest  Jesus  (Jn.  7:46). 
The  multitude  hung  on  His  words.  Orpheus  was  a  pagan  theme, 
but  it  expressed  very  well  indeed  the  compelling  power  of  Christ's 
Gospel.  The  wild  beasts  gathered  around  the  sweet-singing  bard 
and  became  tame.  So  men  gathered  about  Christ  and  listened 
with  eagerness  to  His  gracious  words. 

The  connection  of  this  theme  with  that  of  the  Good  Shepherd 
is  marked.  Orpheus  is  usually  placed  in  the  center  of  a  ceiling, 
the  position  regularly  accorded  to  the  Good  Shepherd.  Both  are 
pastoral  themes,  and  are  treated  in  much  the  same  way.  Christ, 
the  Good  Shepherd  or  Orpheus,  is  in  the  midst  of  the  flock  or  of 
the  beasts  of  the  forest.  By  this  the  christological  nature  of 
the  Orpheus  theme  is  confirmed. 

7.  The  Incarnation. 

SS.  Matthew  and  Luke  give  the  incidents  of  the  Nativity  and 

^=•2/2110  Mai.,  PI.  2,7;  i/2lIID(2)  Garrucci:  Storia,  II,  25;  2/2IIIP&M 
Mai.,  PI.  98;  2/2IVD  PI.  XI,  Mai.,  PI.  229,  Bosio :  R.  S.,  p.  255  (A 
comparison  with  Wilpert's  plate  will  reveal  the  quaint  ideas  of  Bosio's 
copyist,  Avanzini.)  ;     ,/»IVP  Bull,  1887,  PI.  VI. 

-°*D^  Laud.  Const.,  14. 


146         St.  John's  Gospel  in  Roman  Catacomb  Painting 

Epiphany,  according  as  the  themes  are  treated  in  catacomb  paint- 
ings. The  Priscilla  painting  of  the  Madonna  of  the  Prophet  also 
finds  its  source  in  Isaiah  and  the  Book  of  Numbers.  However, 
the  entire  theme  of  the  Incarnation  of  the  Son  of  God  may  well 
lay  claim  to  the  titiiius  in  the  Johannine  Gospel,  "And  the  Word 
became  flesh,  and  dwelt  among  us  (and  we  beheld  his  glory,  glory 
as  of  the  only  begotten  from  the  Father)  full  of  grace  and  truth" 
(Jn.  I  :i4).  This  titulus  gives  the  simple,  concise  explanation  of 
the  entire  cycle  of  the  Incarnation,  the  beginning  of  the  wonder- 
ful series  of  the  Madonna  paintings. 

Naturally  this  identification  is  not  to  be  pressed  too  far.  Its 
worth  is  only  for  the  interpretation  of  symbolism.  It  is  hoped 
that  the  same  statement  is  understood  concerning  the  other  charac- 
teristic themes  discussed.  Many  other  themes,  particularly  the 
Orant,  might  be  included  here,  but  at  too  much  risk.  Their  identi- 
fication requires  a  series  of  separate  monographs.  But  consider- 
ing these  themes  together,  the  themes  of  all  three  classes,  we  ob- 
serve that  they  all,  in  a  very  prominent  way,  declare  that  Christ 
is  the  divine  Son  of  God,  and  that  He  has  power  to  grant  to  those 
who  believe  on  Him  life  that  shall  be  everlasting.  He  heals 
their  sins  as  He  healed  the  paralytic  and  the  blind  man,  and  that 
their  sins  are  washed  away  is  symbolized  through  baptism.  He 
feeds  them  on  the  Bread  of  Life,  and  gives  them  to  drink  of  the 
Living  Water,  acting  as  the  true  Good  Shepherd,  and  brings  them 
into  the  eternal  fold,  the  eternity  of  which  is  confirmed  by  the 
resurrection. 

Such  things  did  the  Johannine  cycle  signify  to  the  Christian  of 
the  first  three  centuries,  and  it  is  no  wonder  that  we  find  the  Johan- 
nine Gospel  holding  the  preeminent  place  in  the  symbolic  thought 
of  the  people,  as  made  evident  to  us  by  examination  of  the  ex- 
pression of  this  thought  in  the  pictorial  decoration  of  their  cata- 
comb sepulchres.  However  imperfect  the  above  investigation  is, 
it  is  hoped  that  it  has  been  shown  that  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  was 
in  popular  use  in  the  Church  at  Rome  at  a  date  earlier  than  ordin- 
arily credited,  and  that  its  influence  was  extensive  from  the  date 
of  its  introduction. 


